Today’s riders on SEPTA’s Market-Frankford Line traveling through Frankford would find it hard to believe what their commute would have looked like in the early 1800’s.  During this time period, which represented the high point of stagecoach travel in the eastern United States, they would have been jostled in a stage wagon or stagecoach over a road with deep ruts and tree stumps running its entire length.  Instead of being high above street level and looking at the second floor of apartments and businesses as they do today, they would have viewed stone mileposts, toll houses and gates and public houses with names such as The Jolly Post and The Seven Stars.  On market days their progress may have been slowed by farmers from surrounding areas driving their animals to market.  Stage travel was slower, less convenient and more taxing on the body and mind than today’s commute.  Regardless of the hardships, stagecoach travel along Frankford Avenue in Philadelphia played an important role in connecting Philadelphia to New York City, and providing local transport, at an important time in the nation’s history.

One of the first stage routes in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania was on present-day Frankford Avenue between the area where the road begins near the Delaware River (northeast of Center City Philadelphia) and the Bucks County line at the Poquessing Creek.

In order to gain insight on stagecoach travel in and around eighteenth and nineteenth century Philadelphia, it is important to first know about the roads and bridges on which the coaches traveled and the public houses along the route where they stopped.

FRANKFORD AVENUE

At various times in its history, the road currently called Frankford Avenue was known as the King’s Path, the King’s Road, the King’s Highway, the Frankford Road, Main Street,  the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike, and the Philadelphia, Bristol and Morrisville Turnpike.

The road known as Frankford Avenue today was originally a small section of one of the oldest roads in America. “Known initially as the King’s Path, the road was later called the King’s Road or King’s Highway, and covered about 1,300 miles. It was laid out between roughly 1650 and 1735 and built on the order of Charles II of England. The king wanted to speed travel and trade by linking Charleston, S.C., and Boston, MA” (“Bridging,” par. 10; Gammage, par. 13).

“In Philadelphia, the King’s Highway spans about 12 miles”(Gammage, par. 14). “The route begins where Frankford Avenue meets Delaware Avenue, near the present-day SugarHouse Casino, then heads north until it reaches Poquessing Creek, which forms part of the boundary with Bucks County” (Gammage, par. 15).

Although the specific section is not identified, “a portion of what later would become the King’s Road between Philadelphia and New York went into operation in 1677. In 1681, the Court at Upland, near Chester, Pennsylvania, appointed a board to oversee the building of the road” (“Bridging,” par. 8).  In his book Old Roads Out of Philadelphia, John T. Faris provides greater detail on the section of road that was to be improved and confirms that “in 1681 overseers were appointed by the Court at Upland to repair the highway from Bristol to the Falls of the Delaware (Trenton)” (285).  Used in this context, it is assumed that the word “repair” means virtually new construction versus what we think of road repair today.

The Falls of the Delaware is an area on the Delaware River close to Morrisville, Pennsylvania and Trenton, New Jersey:

Because Morrisville is located on the fall line between the Piedmont Plateau and the Coastal Plain, the river at the north end of town always flows down stream and is not effected by the tide. However, at the south end of town the river has a large tide change, and in fact, will change directions on a strong incoming tide. This geological phenomena was important to the early settlers for several reasons. First, this was as far up the river as a ship could go. The river is more easily crossed upstream of the falls because the river is shallower and narrower, and bridges can more easily be constructed for the same reasons. Another reason is there is usually a change in elevation making it possible to harness the power of the river to run the mills of colonial America. Not only was Morrisville able to take advantage of its location on the “Falls of the Delaware,” but was also on a straight line between New York and Philadelphia, making it a major trade route. (“Falls,” par. 1)

Additional progress was made on developing the road by subsequent governmental bodies that met after 1681. “Henry Waddy, one of the first English settlers, was a member of the first grand jury summoned at Philadelphia under the Government of William Penn, January 11th, 1682-3. Among the recommendations of this jury were the following: “5th. That the Kings road from Scuilkill {Schuylkill River} through Philadelphia to Neshaminy Creek may be marked out and made passable for horses and carts where needful.” The King’s Road was Frankford Avenue” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 8). The Neshaminy Creek intersects the road in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, between Philadelphia and the Delaware River.

The first commercial, non-farming use of the King’s Road may have been in 1683 when “Henry Waddy of Tekonay was authorized to operate a post route between Newcastle and Falls of the Delaware (Morrisville, Pennsylvania), and he was on the Grand Jury which provided for bridges over the creeks” (Campbell 110). Based on the limited information provided, it can’t be determined whether this was over the King’s Road or a different route. However, the mention of the need for “bridges over the creeks” {possibly Frankford, Pennypack, Poquessing and Neshaminy Creeks}, and one of the end points being the Falls of the Delaware, indicates that Waddy’s post route was most likely over the King’s Road. The term “post route” refers to the track taken by riders or coaches when moving mail from one place to another.  Whether Newcastle is Newcastle, Delaware or another location is also not specified.

An interesting summary of the early post service in Colonial America is presented in Charles R. Barker’s 1915 work “Post Office Buildings of Philadelphia.”  “The earliest posts were experiments; their routes were very limited; their hours of arrival and departure uncertain.  Extremes of weather disturbed their schedules, and lack of cooperation between the colonies – then bound together only by the crown – marred their efficiency.  Hence their record is scattered and unreliable” (218).

Mr. Barker also provides information on Henry Waddy’s post route; albeit with information that differs from previously mentioned sources.  “But a statement in the Pemberton family papers, quoted by Watson, gives names and dates {of the early post service}.  It declares that in 1683 William Penn granted to Henry Waldy, of Tekonay, the right to hold a weekly post between Philadelphia and Wilmington.  The Colonial Records do not mention this commission, but in that year a law was passed at Philadelphia making every justice of the peace, sheriff and constable responsible for the speedy forwarding of such letters, “directed to or from the Governor,” as should come to hand.  It is possible that this service was soon extended to the dispatch of private letters (218).  Mr. Barker reports that Henry Waddy’s last name was actually Waldy, and that his route was between Philadelphia and Wilmington versus between New Castle and the Falls of the Delaware {Morrisville, Pennsylvania}.  His route, and the correct spelling of his last name will require further research.  Because a greater number of sources refer to him as Henry Waddy, that spelling will continue to be used until additional research can be completed.

Henry Waddy’s name is frequently mentioned in the early history of this area.  “Waddy had been a milliner in London. He suffered persecution for his Quaker beliefs and left England after purchasing 750 acres from Penn in the Manor of Frank. He arrived in Pennsylvania in June 1682. He sat on the Grand Jury that issued the order for the laying of the King’s Highway in 1683. Penn’s order to establish a post office was accepted by Waddy, and he was granted the authority to supply passengers with horses as they traveled along the Highway. He ran this business from his home on Frankford Avenue in 1683, which later became known as the Jolly Post Inn” (Sadler, par. 5).  This information seems to confirm that Waddy’s post route was over the King’s Highway.  The Jolly Post Inn was one of the oldest and most famous inns in the Philadelphia area, and will later be covered in greater detail.

“On November 19, 1686, the Provincial Council, in Philadelphia, ordered the building of the King’s Highway to Morrisville, Bucks County, Pennsylvania. This was to be the first public road surveyed in Bucks County” (“Bridging,” par. 8).

Further improvements were ordered in 1700. “On August 15, 1700, the Governor and Council ordered that the King’s Highway and bridges along the same from Philadelphia to the Falls of the Delaware be cleared from all timber, trees, stumps, and other nuisances under certain penalties for failure to comply therewith” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 8). This order may have been in response to a request from William Penn, who in June of 1700 wrote to James Logan and/or the justices about the bridges (Faris 285, Powers, “Tales of Old Taverns“ 206).

The images often seen in early prints and paintings of stagecoaches moving over flat, hard roads is, in many cases, inaccurate. In eighteenth century America, roads were poorly maintained. This seems to have been the case even on this main thoroughfare judging by “the conditions described by a traveler long before the turnpike was built:
Stumps of trees, left uprooted for time to consume, yet impede your progress even in the much frequented road between the two largest cities in the United States” (Faris 306). Unfortunately, there is no indication of what section of the road the traveler is describing, or the specific time period when the tree stumps would have caused delays.

As with many other aspects of eighteenth century life, Benjamin Franklin does provide some observations on the condition of the roads in the context of stage travel between Philadelphia and New York.  “This was over roads that Franklin, in 1768, says were seldom passable without danger and difficulty” (Benedict 113).

Although it is evident that the main road to Frankford, and beyond, was greatly in need of repair, the road to Germantown may have been in worse condition!  Before becoming a turnpike in 1801 it is reported that “the old road to Germantown ‘was called the worst road in the United States,’ and travelers often went around by the way of Frankford, or across the open fields to escape its deep ruts.” – Scharf & Westcott’s History of Philadelphia, Vol. I. p. 509” (Hotchkin, Ancient and Modern Germantown, Mount Airy and Chestnut Hill 239).  It seems as though some eighteenth century travelers, if given a choice, opted to travel up the Frankford Road, then take a cross-road to reach the road to Germantown; possibly avoiding the worst parts of that road.  The map that appears below is a small part of a larger map of the Philadelphia area drawn in 1816.  The road to Germantown is highlighted in “dull yellow” on the left side of the map, and the roads that linked these two major routes are clearly shown.

Other than the description of the poor condition of the roadway, there is little documented about the King’s Highway from the time improvements were “ordered” in 1700 to the early nineteenth century. It can be assumed that during this time the road became progressively busier and the surrounding area grew and prospered.  However, even into the latter part of the 1700’s, much of the land beside the road retained its rural character.  “The earliest reference to it we have met with is in a letter written by Silas Dean, a delegate from Connecticut to the first Continental Congress which assembled in Carpenter’s Hall in 1774.  Silas Dean writes to his wife, “that he was met at the entrance of Frankford by a committee who escorted him along a beautiful road bordered on each side by meadows, which reminded him of the fertile meadows of the Connecticut Valley at home.”” (Dixon 1-2).  These same sentiments would be echoed by others.  “When Frankford was made into a Borough in 1800, the Borough Council ordained that the road as it passed through Frankford should be called Main Street.  In the early days it was bordered by trees, many of them Lombardy Poplars, and was called by visitors, who in the summer months drove out from the City, the street of beautiful vistas” (Dixon 1).

A major change to the road itself took place “on the 24th of March, 1803, when the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike Company was incorporated and the road we now call Frankford Avenue became a toll road” (“Bridging,” par. 1). “The turnpike was not completed until 1812” (Faris 287).

With the coming of the railroads, stagecoach service along the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike decreased, and eventually ended all together. “The Philadelphia and Trenton Railroad was chartered in 1832, and began service in 1834” (Faris 306, “Philadelphia and Trenton Railroad,” par. 2). The road was maintained as a turnpike after the completion of the railroad, until “the City (Philadelphia) bought the Frankford Bristol Turnpike in 1892, and they planned for its widening to allow trolley service on the highway” (“Bridging,” par. 19).

Any discussion of major eighteenth and nineteenth century roads or turnpikes needs to include information on the milestones and tollhouses that a traveler would pass along the route.

Milestones Along the King’s Highway and Frankford and Bristol Turnpike

Before going into detail on the milestones along the King’s Highway and the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike, it may be helpful to briefly review the history of milestones in general.  The earliest use of stone markers, or other materials as a tool to measure distances can be traced to the Roman Empire.  “Distances from Rome were measured from the gilded column in the Forum, inscribed with the names of the principal roads and distances of the chief cities upon the course of each of them.  The roads were marked by milestones, frequent horse blocks, and other conveniences” (Powers, “Mile Stones and Highways Around Philadelphia” 115).  As the name implies, both ancient and early American milestones were normally placed at one mile intervals along a route.

There were two sets of milestones placed along the road that we now know of as Frankford Avenue.  The first set was installed in 1764 by the Philadelphia Contributionship, and the second by the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike Company.  Some recently uncovered information on the original stone milestones that were placed along the King’s Highway in 1764 raises more questions than answers about the origin of these stones in North America.  In his early twentieth century work “Mile Stones and Highways Around Philadelphia,” Fred Perry Powers points out that Benjamin Franklin, in his role as joint postmaster general for the Crown, starting in 1753, played an important part in planning for, and in some cases, placing milestones throughout the colonies.  Interestingly enough, the organization that was responsible for the actual placement of the stones along the King’s Highway, and other post roads in Pennsylvania, was not the postal service, but the Philadelphia Contributionship for the Insurance of Houses from Loss by Fire.  The Philadelphia Contributionship was an insurance company founded by Benjamin Franklin in 1752.

The story {of early milestones} was certainly not invented in recent years.  We have to do with a tradition which is accepted by local historians and which has strong probabilities to support it.  Franklin expedited the postal service, and the value of the milestones in keeping the post rider up to their schedule is obvious.  The earliest milestones around here were set up while Franklin was Deputy Postmaster General, in the year following his tour through New England, along the great Colonial Post Road, and by Benjamin Franklin’s friends, for his was the first unofficial name signed to the “deed of settlement,” of the Philadelphia Contributionship, and he was a director for the first two years of the society’s existence.  In a later year this society completed the task of providing all of the great post roads lying in Pennsylvania with milestones, and in that respect the road was the equal of one referred to in an advertisement of a stage coach quoted by Mrs. Earle, as “fully set with well cut milestones.” (Powers, “Mile Stones and Highways Around Philadelphia” 121-122).

Mr. Powers provides additional evidence of the role played by Benjamin Franklin in the planning and placement of these early milestones.

If we are unable to produce any early documentary evidence connecting Franklin with milestones, we have a piece of evidence which is nearly as good.  In the Franklin Institute there is an odometer, made for attachment to a carriage wheel, bearing this label: “An odometre formerly belonging to Dr. Franklin, then to Thomas Jefferson.  Presented by Wm. H. McFarland, Richmond, VA.”  If Franklin used an odometer he presumably used it in 1763 when he was investigating and improving the New England postal service, and passed over the Boston Post Road.  And it was in the following year that his friends of the Philadelphia Contributionship erected milestones on so much of the old Colonial Post Road over which the news of Lexington and Concord was carried by express riders riding night and day to Charleston, as lay in Pennsylvania north of Philadelphia, later erecting them on so much of this road as lay in the state south of this city.  The primary purpose of the milestones, then, was to expedite the postal service by keeping the riders up to their schedules (Powers, “Mile Stones and Highways Around Philadelphia” 122).

The old Colonial Post Road that Mr. Power’s references was the Pennsylvania portion of the King’s Highway, which was originally planned to speed travel and trade by linking Charleston, SC, and Boston, MA.  In his 1919 article “Old Milestones about Philadelphia, Illustrated,” Joshua L. Bailey Jr. associates Benjamin Franklin to these milestones, and provides information about his ambitious plans.  “Local tradition connects Franklin’s name with these milestones and also states that it was his intention to erect stones all the way to Charleston, S.C.” (Bailey 49).  How far he got, will require further research.

Dr. Franklin’s interest in two different types of businesses; the postal service and Contributionship, seems to indicate that milestones performed a number of roles in Colonial America.  As Mr. Powers points out, one of their primary uses was to keep post riders on schedule.  Another use seems to have been to act as a frame of reference for houses and businesses before street addresses were common.  The Contributionship may have used milestones to identify the location of properties they insured, and it is documented that merchants used milestones to let customers know where they were located {just beyond the 5^th milestone on the King’s Highway}.  It is also possible that early stage companies used milestones to charge way passengers.  A way passenger was someone who boarded or got off a stage at a location other than where the stage started or completed its journey.  Perhaps the most important role milestones played to the common traveler, who at the time was probably walking, on horseback, or riding in a carriage, was to let them know where they were, and how far they had to go to reach their destination.

The placement of these early milestones was not always easily accomplished, as is indicated by the following account of the attempt to get them installed along the King’s Highway from Philadelphia to Morrisville in the mid 1700’s.

The milestones now on the road are not the stones that were seen by these old travelers; the present stones were placed by the Bristol Turnpike Company during the construction of the road in 1804 and later. An interesting story about these earlier stones, none of which have been located, is found in the minutes of the Philadelphia Contributionship:

May 16th 1764: Peter Reeve, Joseph Saunders and Thomas Wharton, who were requested by the Board of Directors to apply the Fines arising from non-attendance of the Directors since the year 1761 in purchasing milestones, made the following report, viz:
“We the Subscribers beg leave to Report to the Directors of the Fire Insurance Office, that, Agreeable to their Request “that we would procure a sufficient Number of Milestones and fix them on the Road leading to Trenton Ferry and apply to such persons as would be capable of Measuring the Distance, and placing them properly.” That you would pay the Cost and expense thereof out of the Fines that were paid by the Directors for Non attendance since the year 1761.”

We procured the Stones, and apply’d to John Lukins, Surveyor General, Philip Syng, Jacob Lewis, and Thomas Gordon, Gentn. to join us in Measuring the Distance from Philadelphia, to the Edge of the River at the Ferry leading to Trenton, who Cheerfully undertook the Serving, and on the 15th Instant at 5 o Clo. In the Morning we began to Measure from the Middle of Market Street in Front Street, and at the Distance of each Mile, affix’d or planted a Stone marked with proper Characters to describe the Distance from this City and when arrived at the Ferry found it to be 29 Miles and 24 Chains to the Edge of the River, having passed thro’ the New Road leading thro’ Pennsburg Manor, as it is the most direct and likely to be used, the distance being short’ned more than One Mile
“The Cost of the Stones, with the expense attending the planting them amounts to Thirty three pounds Seven shillings, and five pence. We having purchased two Stones more than was necessary, being numbd. 30 & 31 Gave them to Nathl. Parker who promised to fix them on the Road leading to New York”.

Up to this time there were not milestones. In 1748 Peter Kalm said “the inhabitants only computed distances by guess.” (Faris 294-295)

Mr. Powers, through the records of the surveyor, provides additional detail on the setting of these stones.  Unfortunately, the following information does not indicate where exactly the stones were placed, however, it provides a good overall picture of the early route from the intersection of Market Street and Front Street to the edge of the Delaware River at Morrisville. “The Surveyor having made some observations and minutes on the road, we here subjoin them.”

From Philadelphia to the middle of the Pennypack Bridge – 9 Miles, 69 Chains

From Philadelphia to the middle of the Poquessing Bridge – 12 Miles, 37 Chains

From Philadelphia to the road which turns off the York road and leads to Dunk’s Ferry – 15 Miles, 24 Chains

From Philadelphia to the south side of Neshaminy Creek – 16 Miles, 15 1/2 Chains

From Philadelphia to Z. Priestly’s Tavern in Bristol – 19 Miles, 60 Chains

From Philadelphia to the middle of Bristol – 20 Miles, 00 Chains

From Philadelphia to the south side of Pennsbury – 20 Miles, 70 Chains

From Philadelphia to the north side of said Manor – 26 Miles, 60 Chains

From Philadelphia to Thomas Jenner’s Tavern – 29 Miles, 16 Chains

From Philadelphia to the edge of Delaware River – 29 Miles, 14 Chains

Witness our hands, 17^th May 1764.

Peter Reeve

Joseph Saunders

Thomas Wharton

(Powers, “Mile Stones and Highways Around Philadelphia” 115-116).

Numerous sources indicate that a chain is 66 feet in length.

How, or why, Benjamin Franklin got an insurance company to pay for the placement of milestones is not clear.  It may just be attributable to Dr. Franklin’s savvy negotiating skills and/or his many friends and connections.  One theory was that the Contributionship paid for the planning and placement of the stones in return for the Province of Pennsylvania granting them a charter.  However, “there is no suggestion here of the work being a return to the Province for the company’s charter.  In fact, the company was founded twelve years before and not chartered till four years after the stones were erected” (Powers, “Mile Stones and Highways Around Philadelphia” 116).

The question of what these early stone milestones looked like is open for discussion.  Milestones, especially those installed by the turnpike companies along the length of their turnpikes in the early 1800’s, were cut to a particular pattern.  Because none of the early milestones that were placed in the mid 1700’s is known to exist, it is much more difficult to say with certainty what they looked like.  The best resource that is readily available on both early milestones, and those placed by the turnpike companies, is Fred Perry Powers 1914 work “Mile Stones and Highways Around Philadelphia.”

It has been documented that some early milestones in the Philadelphia area featured a symbol that also appears on William Penn’s Coat of Arms.  Both the milestones and the Penn Coat of Arms prominently feature three circles; which were also known as “balls” or “dumplings.”  Although there is no evidence that stones with these markings existed on the King’s Highway from Philadelphia northward, there were some early twentieth century researchers that made this assumption.  “The Penn arms were on the backs of stones on the Gulph road, the Haverford road, Gray’s Ferry road, the road from Philadelphia to the Delaware line, and because they were on that line they were presumably on the road from this city {Philadelphia} to Morrisville” (Powers, “Mile Stones and Highways Around Philadelphia” 131).  A milestone with this same characteristic is mentioned in a popular novel written in the early 1900’s.  In Dr. Mitchell Weir’s The Red City, a prominent figure in the book named de Courval is riding from Philadelphia to Bristol on the King’s Highway.  Dr. Weir writes that “De Courval “stayed a moment beside the road to note the distance as he read on a milestone he had come seven miles.  That would answer.  He smiled as he saw on the stone the three balls of the Penn arms, popularly known as the three dumplings.”  Dr. Mitchell admitted to me that he did not know whether the original stones bore the Penn arms or not, and in the record of the setting up of the stones this is not mentioned.  But as the Penn arms are on two stones erected by the same company on the road from this city to the Delaware line, it is probable that Dr. Mitchell was correct without knowing it” (Powers, “Mile Stones and Highways Around Philadelphia” 114).

In his 1919 article “Old Milestones about Philadelphia, Illustrated,” Joshua L. Bailey Jr. notes the location of one of the stones, how distances were shown, and the probable fate of these early milestones.  “These old stones have all disappeared.  One formerly stood at 943 North Front Street, and read, “1 M to P.”  The two in Trenton were removed when the street was widened, and the rest were doubtless thrown out by the turnpike company when the later stones were placed” (49).  It seems safe to assume that “1 M to P” translated to “one mile to Philadelphia.”  “The Golden Milestone of Philadelphia was the Old Court House at Front and Market streets, whence all distances prior to the turnpike era were measured” (Powers, “Mile Stones and Highways Around Philadelphia” 115).

Although no mileage notations appear on the early photograph of the “William Penn stone” on Haverford Avenue, it is possible that along the King’s Highway this information appeared above or below the “three balls,” or on the rear of the stone.

Mr. Hallowell identifies the location of another of the early milestones that was put in place after 1748, and prior to the opening of the Bristol Turnpike.  It was located above the intersection of present-day Frankford Avenue and Foulkrod Street. This was the 6 mile stone (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 14).

Although it is not indicated whether this was an early milestone, or one that was put in place by the turnpike company after 1803, it provides a frame of reference for the location of another of the milestones along this route.  “A short distance beyond the ninth milestone is the old General Wayne Tavern” (Faris 295).  What little is known of the General Wayne Tavern will be detailed at a later time.

More information exists about the milestones that were installed by the turnpike company starting in 1804 than the early stones, with one very important exception.  The meaning of the letters and number inscribed on the turnpike stones is not easily understood.  Mr. Powers provides a possible explanation of the meaning of the inscription, supplies information on the location of the first stone, and gives some details on some of the other milestones in the area.

We have already seen that the earliest stones were set on the road to Trenton in 1764, and none of them remain, with one possible exception.  The present stones on the road to Frankford and Bristol were set by the turnpike company to give the distances from the first milestone, which stood on Front street, near Laurel.  They are singularly marked.  Below the numeral are only the letters “M” and “T.”  The natural inference would be that “T” stood for “to,” and that the initial of Philadelphia was further down, perhaps buried in the ground, but Mr. Warner, who reset these stones for the Colonial Dames, tells me that there is no “P” on these stones.  While his idea that “T” stands for town is not quite convincing, I have nothing better to offer.  The same singular marking appears on the stones on the road from Frankford to Somerton –

1

M

T

If “T” stands for town, the town is Frankford in this case.  The Byberry and Bensalem road branches off from this a little beyond Bustleton and the stones Mr. Webster has reset on that road are numbered 13 and 15 M to P.  These are probably the original stones set by Lawrence Growden, while those on the road to Somerton were presumably set by a turnpike company whose work began at Frankford.  In October, 1916, I went over the Byberry and Bensalem road as far as the Poquessing creek, and I found the 13 stone at the corner of Red lion road completely broken off at its base and lying by the roadside (Powers, “Mile Stones and Highways Around Philadelphia” 124).

Mr. Bailey supplies some additional information on what the milestones were made of, and where the turnpike began.  Unfortunately, he is also at a loss to describe exactly what the letters and number that appeared on the milestones meant.  Of additional interest is the title he gives the turnpike; which up until now has always been referred to as the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike.  “The Philadelphia, Bristol and Morrisville Turnpike was opened in 1804.  It began at Front Street and Germantown Road, then the city limits.  The milestones now on the road measure from this point, and are typical turnpike stones of Pennsylvania marble.  They are marked with the numeral and the letters M T arranged vertically.  The M stands for miles, but the meaning of the T is obscure.  These are not the original stones on this road, however” (Bailey 47).

It seems that placing milestones along the turnpike that led from Philadelphia to Morrisville over present-day Frankford Avenue was not solely for the convenience of the traveler, but a requirement.  “The stones now on the Frankford and Bristol road are those of the turnpike company, erected in compliance with a requirement in every charter, and showing the distance from the beginning of the turnpike, which in this case was the first milestone of the original series from Front and Market streets.  This stone was in existence about forty years ago.  I do not think that any stone of the original series in now in existence” (Powers, “Mile Stones and Highways Around Philadelphia” 114-115).

The Information that appears in the preceding three paragraphs on the location of the start of the turnpike and/or the first milestone is confusing.  Mr. Powers indicates that the turnpike began at Front and Market Streets, which was the starting point for computing distances for the early milestones installed in 1764.  He seems to indicate that there was an original stone at that location as late as 1876.  However, he later writes that “the present stones on the road to Frankford and Bristol were set by the turnpike company to give the distances from the first milestone, which stood on Front street, near Laurel.”  Mr. Bailey writes that the turnpike “began at Front Street and Germantown Road, then the city limits.  The milestones now on the road measure from this point.”  A search on Google Maps shows that present-day Germantown Avenue and Laurel Street are very close in proximity, and both are approximately one and a half miles, via today’s roads, from Front Street and Market Street.  This will require further research.

In terms of what the inscriptions on the milestones meant, a more contemporary guess seems to be the most reasonable.  On a page on the website Waymarking.com, there are pictures, and a brief description of a stone milestone that, in 2010, stood at the southeast corner of Comly Street and Frankford Avenue.  True to the earlier descriptions “the marker reads 6 M T which {the author of the webpage indicates} means “the sixth (6) mile (M) of the Frankford – Bristol Turnpike (T)”” (“The Sixth Mile of the Frankford-Bristol Turnpike – Philadelphia, PA – U.S. Historic Survey Stones and Monuments on Waymarking.com.”).  Fortunately, a search of that same intersection on Google Maps shows that as of August, 2017, the stone was still in place at that location.

Determining the location, and date of placement of milestones along this route is not easily accomplished.  A brief summary of what has been presented up to this point, may be helpful.

943 North Front Street – An early/original milestone was at this location.  This was the 1 Mile Stone.  Per Joshua Bailey, the stone was chiseled with the characters 1 M To P.

Frankford Avenue and Foulkrod Street – An early/original milestone was at this location.  This was the 6 Mile Stone.  No information has yet been found on what the characters on this stone looked like.

Frankford Avenue, Holmesburg – It is not clear whether there was an early/original milestone or a turnpike milestone at this location.  This was the 9 Mile Stone.   No information has yet been found on what the characters on this stone looked like.

Frankford Avenue and Comly Street – A Turnpike milestone was at this location.  This was the 6 Mile Stone.  The stone was chiseled with the characters 6 M T.

Based on information provided by Google Maps, it is interesting to note that the intersections of Frankford Avenue and Foulkrod Street and Frankford Avenue and Comly Street are one mile apart.  The intersection of Frankford and Comly is one mile to the northeast of Frankford and Foulkrod.  Since the information that appears above indicates that the original milestone and the turnpike milestone were both six mile stones, it is possible that the starting point for the turnpike was one mile further away from the center of Philadelphia than where the “official” beginning of the King’s Highway, north of the city, was located.  However, this is assuming that the stone at Frankford Avenue and Comly Street is in its original location.

Tollhouses and Tolls Along the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike

After ownership of a road was taken over by a private company, and a toll road established, it was necessary to build tollhouses and gates as a means to collect revenue.

“Tollhouses and gates were erected along the route from Front Street and Germantown Avenue to the ferry at Morrisville on the Delaware River. Travelers paid a toll every five miles” (“Bridging,” par. 1).

The listing of tollhouses will start close to the center of Philadelphia, and move northeast to the Bucks County line at the Poquessing Creek.  The order is approximate, based on the information provided by various sources.

Turnpike companies numbered tollhouses and associated gates for easy identification.  Although some sources do not provide these numbers, we are indebted to their authors for providing the location of each of the tollhouses and gates.  “The old tollgate stood directly opposite Hart lane.  It remained there until the city purchased the pike from the White Horse Tavern to the half-way house, or what is now Allegheny avenue.  Allegheny avenue was not opened then.  Hart lane ran from the turnpike to Front street” (Dixon 4-5).  A search on Google Maps indicates that Hart Lane meets Frankford Avenue between East Somerset Street and East Cambria Street.

Because no information other than the name of the adjacent farm is provided, it is difficult to say for certain where this tollgate was located.  However, Harriet T. Lewis’ article “The Story of Cedar Hill Hotel and Vicinity,” written for the Historical Society of Frankford, provides an approximate location, as well as some information on the operator, the tolls and the traffic that passed through the tollgate.  “Most of us remember the old toll gate built on part of the Dyre farm.  It was kept at that time by a man named Scattergood.  Two and one half cents for one horse and five cents for two horses to Holmesburg.  Necessitating the use of half pennies.  The old stage coaches from Holmesburg and Bustleton passed thru the gate and the farmers on their way to market drove their cattle thru” (2).  “The Cedar Hill Hotel was built on part of the Dyre farm” (1).  It has been suggested that the Cedar Hill Hotel was located close to the current location of Cedar Hill Cemetery.  This seems reasonable, and would place the hotel in close proximity to Frankford Avenue, Bustleton Avenue, Pratt Street, and the end of the Market-Frankford Line.

“Toll Gate # 3 on the Pike from Philadelphia to New York was at the south end of the Pennypack bridge at the intersection of the road leading down to the old 1697 mill. This had long been a stopping point with a black smith shop and plenty of water for horses. It now had a toll gate. (The term turnpike comes from a long straight tree branch or pike being swung or turned to allow traffic to pass). The turnpike company paved the old King’s Highway and the village growing around the inn up the hill took on a new life” (Moore 7). A review of maps from the early 1800’s reveal that the inn to which Moore was referring may have been the Washington Inn.

A closer look at the daily routine around Tollhouse and Toll Gate # 3 along the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike is provided in the online article “Bridging the Past to the Future.” “Toll-house and gate number three were at the south end of the old King’s Highway Bridge over the Pennypack, between the mill race and the creek. The gates were closed around 11:00 each night and opened at four or five in the morning. Tuesdays and Fridays were market days when the gates were opened as early as two or three in the morning to allow the farmers of Bucks County to deliver produce for sale in the city. Herds of animals were driven down the pike, across the old bridge and through the gates on their way to slaughter houses” (Par. 2).  A different source indicates that this gate may have been closed later, and opened even earlier on market days.  “The gate was closed from ten to twelve o’clock at night and opened at four or five in the morning.  Tuesday and Friday being market days the gate was opened sometimes as early as one or two o’clock in the morning” (Hotchkin, The Bristol Pike 164).

As an aside, it is interesting that even into the early twentieth century Tuesdays and Fridays were still the designated days when farmers would bring their goods to market. “Since the destruction of the North Star Hotel and the removal of the Cedar Hill Hotel to make way for the trolley barn, the Seven Stars Hotel has been the headquarters for all the farmers of Bucks and Philadelphia counties that use the roads leading into Frankford: and upon Tuesdays and Fridays many hundred tons of hay are officially weighed every week” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 15). It is assumed that the trolley barn that Hallowell cites was the one built “in 1903 {when} the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company acquired the property on the northwest side of Frankford Avenue, northeast of Pratt Street, and the largest brick car-barn in the world was erected thereon” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 68). As he indicates, after the Cedar Hill Hotel was taken down and the trolley barn built in 1903, farmers still needed places like the Seven Stars Hotel to conduct their business.

The business of the transport and sale of hay and straw appears to have taken place all along present-day Frankford Avenue.  In addition to the North Star Hotel, Cedar Hill Hotel and Seven Stars Hotel, a picture that appears later in this work clearly shows a sign advertising Hay Scales at the Red Lion on the Poquessing Creek.  Some farmers traveled even farther to sell their harvest.  “At that time it was customary, on Tuesday and Friday mornings of each week, to see long lines of farmers with loads of hay and straw passing down Frankford Avenue to the hay market, at Seventh Street and Columbia Avenue {now Cecil B. Moore Avenue}” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 1).  The name and location of the market appears prominently on the 1867 Philadelphia city map that appears below.

There is additional information about who lived and worked at Tollhouse and Toll-Gate # 3. Similar to the living conditions of lock tenders on the canals, who lived in the lock houses, “Toll-gate keepers lived with their families in the toll-house. A Mr. Rich was one of the earliest gate-keepers. Samuel Daunton became a keeper around 1840. After the Civil War members of the Ashton family, William and Jacob, held the job. The last gate-keeper was one John Booz who served until the turnpike company went out of business in 1892” (“Bridging,” par. 5).  The job of gate-keeper at this particular tollhouse was a family affair.  “After the death of William Ashton, in 1880, his grand-daughter’s husband, John Booz, became gate-keeper, and continued in the post until the turnpike was freed in June 1892.  This was a long and faithful service of one family.  The treasurer handed Mr. Booz an extra month’s salary in token of appreciation of good work” (Hotchkin, The Bristol Pike 164).  Starting in June, 1892, there were no more tolls collected on the former turnpike, and as a result, “the traveler will no more half break his benumbed fingers in Winter as he tries to make change at the old toll-gate, or stop in Summer to chat with the pleasant keeper” (Hotchkin, The Bristol Pike 164).

Reverend Hotchkin also provides a more detailed description of the immediate area around a tollhouse, as well as a glimpse into the life of a gate-keeper.  “The patch of ground at the side of toll-gates where a little garden or a carriage house was squeezed into a small space, may be noted as a marked feature of such places” (Hotchkin, The Bristol Pike 164).  Although the hours were long, and the work hard, it seems as though some gate-keepers found it necessary to supplement the pay they received from the turnpike companies. “The Doylestown Democrat had an interesting account of an interview with Israel Keller, long a toll-gate keeper on the Doylestown and Danboro Turnpike.  He is a shoemaker and kept account of the number of hay wagons passing, by laying a shoe peg for each wagon on the window ledge, and numbering the pegs at night.  He thought as much hay as ever was hauled to the Philadelphia market” (Hotchkin, The Bristol Pike 167).  Other gate-keepers found it necessary make additional money any way they could.  “The last keeper of the gate in Germantown, {on the Germantown and Perkiomen Turnpike}, was a shrewd and humorous Pennsylvania-German, Enos Springer, who raised fowl and sold almost anything” (Germantown and the Germans 66).

The turnpike company had the responsibility of upgrading and maintaining the road-way. The toll-rates reflect concern for the wear-and-tear of the road surface:
Vehicles with narrow wheels tended to dig deeper into the surface and caused more rutting and so were charged higher rates than vehicles with wider wheels. (“Bridging,” par. 3).
These were the toll-rates set by an act of the Pennsylvania General Assembly in 1802:
Toll Rates
1 Score of Sheep, Hogs, Cattle $.06
Every Horse and Rider $.03
Sulkey, Chaise, Two Wheels, One Horse $.06
Coach, Phaeton, Chaise, Two Horses $.12 ½
Coach, Phaeton, Chaise, Four Horses $.20
Stage Waggon, Two Horses $.20
Stage Waggon, Four Horses $.20
Sleigh – Per Horse $.03
Sled – Per Horse $.02
Cart, Waggon, with Wheels less than four inches wide Per Horse..$.05
Cart, Waggon with Wheels wider than four inches Per Horse..$.03
Cart, Waggon with Wheels wider than seven inches Per Horse..$.02
Cart, Waggon with Wheels wider than ten inches Per Horse..$.01
Notice
All persons attending Funerals or Places of Worship, using Horses & Carriages shall be exempt from Payment of Tolls in going to and returning there from. (“Bridging,” par. 14)

Most of the categories that appear above are recognizable today, with a few exceptions. The Phaeton was a light, open carriage that was primarily for personal use. The Stage Waggon was an early predecessor of the Stagecoach.

“The tolls on this turnpike and on the road between Trenton and New York, and the charges on the ferry boats, were heavy. In 1800 the tolls on a coach from Philadelphia to New York were five dollars and a half. No wonder the turnpike paid a 10 percent dividend” (Faris 287). This charge must have been for the ferry service and other parts of the route between Philadelphia and New York that were already established as turnpikes, because as was indicated earlier, the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike Company was not chartered until March, 1803.

BRIDGES

To travel on the King’s Road between the center of colonial Philadelphia and the Bucks County line it would have been necessary to cross the Cohocksink Creek, Gunner Rambo’s/Gunner’s Run, and the Frankford, Pennypack and Poquessing creeks.

The Bridges Over the Cohocksink Creek

To avoid confusion it should be noted that at various times, and in various sources, the Cohocksink Creek was referred to by a number of different names.  It was also known as  Stacey’s Creek, the Chocksinc Creek and Coxon Creek.

In order to travel over either the Germantown or Frankford roads from the established parts of Philadelphia in the eighteenth, and part of the nineteenth century, it would have been necessary to cross the Cohocksink Creek.  An article on the significance of a safe, reliable way to cross this creek appeared in the Philadelphia Times on August 11, 1889.  “Much more than a century ago this creek played an important part in the history of the city. It was crossed by Frankfort (now Frankford) and Germantown roads, both much traveled thoroughfares” (Levine, par. 20).

The need for an efficient, secure way to traverse this area can be traced to as early as 1701.

The primitive state of the North End, near the Cohocksinc creek, is expressed in a petition of the year 1701, of the country inhabitants (one hundred and fifteen in number,) of Germantown, Abington, & c., praying the Governor and Council for a settled road into the city, and alleging that “they have lately been obliged to go round new fences, from time to time set up in the road by Daniel Pegg and Thomas Sison,”* for that as they cleared their land, they drove the travellers out into uneven roads, and very dangerous for carts to pass upon.  They therefore pray “a road may be laid out from the corner of Sison’s fence straight over the creek [meaning the Cohocksinc, and also called Stacey’s creek,] to the corner of John Stacey’s field, and afterward to divide into two branches – one to Germantown, and the other to Frankford.”

* The name was spelt Tison in another place (Watson 477).

“In early times, “North End” was the common name given to the Northern Liberties, when having its only road out Front street” (Watson 477).

Early eighteenth century letters indicate that by that time a bridge had been constructed over the Cohocksink, but that it was already in need of repair or replacement by 1715.

A letter of Robert Fairman’s, of the 30th of 8 mo., 1711, to Johathan Dickson, speaks of his having a portion of thirteen acres of his land next the Coxon creek (Cohocksinc) and in Shackamaxo.*  In another letter of the 12th of 3 mo., 1715, he says, “the old road and the bridge to it being so decayed and dangerous for passengers, my brother thomas, with Thomas Masters, and others, thought it proper to move your court for a new road, which being granted, a new bridge was made and the road laid out, and timber for the bridge was cut from my plantation next the creek; but not being finished before my brother Thomas died, has been since laid aside, and the old bridge, and road repaired and used – thus cutting through that land of mine and his, so as to leave it common and open to cattle, & c., nothwithstanding the new road wouild have been a better route.  This has proceeded from the mailice of some who were piqued at my brother.

In the year 1713, the Grand Jury, upon an inspection of the state of the causeway and bridge over the Cohocksinc, on the road leading to “the Governor’s mill,” – where is now Craig’s manufactory – recommended that a tax of one pence per pound be laid “to repair the road at the new bridge by the Governor’s mill, and for other purposes.”  In 1739 said mill took fire and was burnt down.  It was thought it occurred from the wadding of guns fired at wild pigeons.

* Thus determining, as I presume, that Shackamaxon began at Cohocksinc creek, and went up to Gunner’s creek (Waston 478).

An excerpt from a 1715 letter that Mr. Watson preserved seems to indicate that by that year a new bridge had been built.  The author of the letter, a local landowner, “speaks therein of his place near Coxon Creek as having woods and stumps; says the trees have been cut there to form the new bridge on the new road across the creek” (139).

Regardless of these improvements, this low, swampy area continued to pose many dangers.  “In 1739, Mrs. Mary Smith and her horse were both drowned “near the long bridge in the Northern Liberties.”  “Twas supposed it occurred by her horse attempting to drink at that place where the water is very deep.”  At the same causeway was quicksand, in which a horse and chair and man all sank!” (Watson 478-479).

It appears that a safe way to move through this area was finally completed during the last decade of the eighteenth century.

When the long stone bridge was built, in 1790, (its date is marked thereon and done by Souders,) they came, at the foot of the foundation, to several curiosities, described to me by those who saw them, to wit: – a hickory hand-cuff, perfectly sound – several leaden weights, for weighing – a quantity of copper farthings, and a stone hollowed out like a box, and having a lid of the same (Watson 479).

It is not clear whether the road to Frankford, the road to Germantown, or a common road that branched off to Frankford and Germantown after crossing the bridge, traversed this “1790 long stone bridge.” The 1701 petition seems to indicate that the split occurred after the bridge was crossed, however, a review of many eighteenth and nineteenth century maps shows the road to Frankford and Germantown splitting prior to the crossing of the Cohocksink.  Regardless, it seems clear from these maps {see above}, that both the Frankford and Germantown roads crossed the Cohocksink Creek.  Further research on this waterway will be necessary.

Neither the watercolor that appears above, nor the photograph that appears below seems to show where the road to Germantown or Frankford crossed the Cohocksink Creek.  In addition, the scenes portrayed are probably not located close to one another.     The images are presented to contrast what a section of the creek looked like in 1863 versus 1894, and show the fate of the once bucolic waterway.

The Bridges Over Gunner’s Run

When traveling from Philadelphia to Bucks County in the early eighteenth century, one of the lesser-known creeks to be crossed would have been Gunner Rambo’s.  Discussions on bridging this creek began in the late seventeenth century, and involved Henry Waddy, who, as previously noted, “was a member of the first grand jury summoned at Philadelphia under the Government of William Penn, January 11th, 1682-3. Among the recommendations of this jury were the following: “4th. That the Creek at Tankanney (Tacony) and Gunner Rambo’s be bridged or cannowed.  Tacony Creek there referred to was the present Frankford Creek”” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 8).  Mr. Watson and Mr. Hazard provide a vague definition of the word “cannowed.”  In describing the actions of the first Grand Jury in greater detail, they indicate that the term means “passed by canoes” (Watson 298).

When seeing the term Gunner Rambo’s in print for the first time, it is difficult to determine if it is the name of a person, a physical feature of the land, or a body of water.  The choices are narrowed down when the more common name of Gunner’s Run is used.  Gunner’s Run was stream that emptied into the Delaware River, and was named after an early inhabitant of the area.  One reason for the lack of name recognition may be that by 1847 the course of part of the stream had been changed, and became the Aramingo Canal.  “The Aramingo Canal, formerly Gunner’s Run, named for Gunnar Rambo, who paddled his canoe on that stream in the days of William Penn and probably wondered how what once was New Sweden had become some Englishman’s sylvania” (Smart 257).  In a 2008 PlanPhilly.com article, Doug Mooney provided some additional information on the canal, and the various spellings of the name of the stream that was altered to form it.  “The canal was the brainstorm of a group of people who owned property along a natural stream called Gunnar’s Run,” Mooney said. (Gunnar is the proper original spelling, as the stream was named for an early Swedish settler, Gunnar Rambo, Mooney noted. But the area was known for good fishing and hunting, and so some people began to spell it “Gunners Run”(Gates, par. 8).

What once seemed to be a healthy body of water became increasingly polluted as the area became more industrialized.  “{There} is a stone bridge over Gunner’s Run, quite a stream at that time; but now a large sewer.  This bridge was known as Stanover’s Bridge, being on Mr. Stanover’s property” (Dixon 5).  Whether Stanover’s Bridge was the first bridge over this stream, or one that was built at a later date is not clear.

Mr. Mooney provides some additional detail on the deplorable condition of the Aramingo Canal.

Compounding the canal’s problems was the development it had helped to spur.  The industries dumped their waste into it, and the flow of the water was not enough to take what was dumped in out to the river. The flow slowed even more. “In 1884, the Philadelphia Water Department described it as an open sewer clogged with filth,” Mooney said. And newspaper reports from the time said the water was ink-black and smelled horrible. City officials blamed the Aramingo Canal for outbreaks of typhoid fever and malaria (Gates, par 13).

By 1902, the canal was completely drained and covered over (Gates, par 14).  Sections of present-day Aramingo Avenue were built over, and run parallel to Gunner’s Run and the Aramingo Canal.

The Bridges Over the Frankford Creek

Moving further to the northeast along present-day Frankford Avenue, the next major body of water that a traveller would have come upon was Frankford Creek.

Little information was found on the first bridge over the Frankford Creek, other than that it was not as admired as the bridges further up the King’s Highway.  “On the 3rd month 22, 1705, Captain Finney complained of the dangerous condition of the bridge over Frankford Creek, but this was referred to the County Court – this matter being within its jurisdiction” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 9).

Three years later, there was little or no improvement.  “On April 5th, 1708, the question of building two bridges, one of which was over Frankford Creek at Frankford, again came before the Provincial Council. The city people were unwilling to bear any of the expense of the building of bridges in the county, although they were on the principal road. It was stated at this time that “people now sometimes pass in danger of their lives over these two mentioned bridges.”” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 9).  The mention of the “principal road” seems to indicate that one of the bridges was the span over the Frankford Creek on the King’s Highway.  At this time, Frankford was not part of the city of Philadelphia.  This contributed to the disagreement over who should pay for the repair or replacement of the bridges.

Additional information on this bridge remains sketchy, however, Guernsey Hallowell writes that “in 1796 the six-arch stone bridge was erected over the creek at Frankford Avenue by Louis Wernwag, then a resident of Frankford.  This bridge gained for Mr. Wernwag a wide reputation as a bridge builder” (9).  Although the creek that bisected Frankford Avenue is not identified, this six-arch stone bridge could have crossed the Frankford Creek.  Hallowell could not have been referring to the bridges over the Pennpack and Poquessing Creeks because they were shorter than six arches, and were built almost a century earlier.  Louis Wernwag would later go on to build some of the largest, most famous bridges of the time; including the first bridge to cross the Schuylkill River in Philadelphia and an early railroad bridge in Harper’s Ferry West Virginia.

“In 1901 Frankford Avenue was straightened, and the course of the Frankford Creek changed, the old bridge removed, and the present steel bridge erected” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 9).  The steel bridge that Hallowell is referring to was the one that was in place in 1912.

The Bridges Over the Pennypack and Poquessing Creeks

Numerous sources indicate that the stone arch bridges that carried The King’s Highway over the Pennypack and Poquessing Creeks were built in the late seventeenth century, and that the surviving structure over the Pennypack Creek is one of the oldest, if not the oldest, bridge in America.  Regarding the Pennypack Creek bridge, one source writes that “in 1692 the Grand Jury recommended that the bridge be built over the Pennypack Creek. The bridge was not built. It was reported to the Grand Jury by Benjamin Acrod that the nine men commissioned to see that the bridge was built did not carry out the order. The bridge was finally erected in 1697 at the decree of William Penn. The male residents of the area were assessed either in labor or money for the construction of the bridge” (“Bridging,” par. 8).

John T. Faris confirms the construction date of the Pennypack Creek bridge when he writes that “the turnpike recrosses the stream on one of the oldest bridges in the country. In 1697 the stone were laid, and ever since it has done its work well” (296-297).

Additional improvements were made to this famous bridge.  “The Pennypack Creek bridge was widened for the first time in 1740 and is now one hundred and eighty-five feet long and seventy feet wide. It has three arches, two twenty-five feet wide and one twelve and three quarters’ feet wide. The under clearance is twelve feet, seven inches. It is thought to be the oldest stone bridge in continuous use in the United Stages” (“Bridging,” par. 9). The date when these measurements were made is not specified.

The quality of the work that went into building the Pennypack Creek bridge is evident in that it is still in use in 2016. This bridge was noteworthy as far back as the late eighteenth century. On “May 4, 1773, Sarah Eve, who died three weeks before she was to have been married to Dr. Benjamin Rush drove to a friend’s estate near Bristol, and in her journal she writes: We are now on the Penne Pack (Pennypack) Bridge; you will say I am but a poor traveller when I tell you it is the best bridge I ever went over, although it has but three arches” (Powers, “Tales of Old Taverns“ 206).

It is interesting to see the level of importance that William Penn placed on these bridges, and how they would improve his ability to travel in the region. “On the 22 d of 6th month, 1700, William Penn wrote to James Logan asking him to “urge the justices about the bridges at Pannepeck (Pennypack) and Poquessin (Poquessing) that he might be able to come to the city.”” (Faris 285). At this time, Logan served as Penn’s secretary. A second source confirms Penn’s correspondence. “William Penn wrote from Pennsbury, 22nd of 6th month, 1700, to “urge the justices about the bridge at Pennepecka (Pennypack) and Poquessing forthwith for a carriage or I cannot come down”” (Powers, “Tales of Old Taverns“ 206). Unfortunately, the exact meaning of these letters, which were written approximately three years after the bridges were built, is not exactly clear.  The letters could have been in response to the poor conditions of the bridges, because as was noted earlier, the local government saw the need to address issues with both the road and bridges less than two months after Penn’s correspondence.  “On August 15, 1700, the Governor and Council ordered that the King’s Highway and bridges along the same from Philadelphia to the Falls of the Delaware be cleared from all timber, trees, stumps, and other nuisances under certain penalties for failure to comply therewith” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 8).

William Penn’s letter of 1700 seems to indicate that that the two bridges were built at approximately the same time, but unfortunately, the Poquessing Creek bridge did not survive. In his 1911 work, Tales of Old Taverns, Fred. Perry Powers relates that “the bridge at Poquessing may have been the unquestionably old bridge which was removed less than eight years ago. Probably we had two stone-arch bridges in 1700” (206). This would mean that this bridge was removed sometime after 1903.

PUBLIC HOUSES

Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary defines a public house as “an inn or hostelry.”  During the days of stage travel they accommodated overnight guests, provided food and drink or served as places to change the horses that were pulling the stages.  Some public houses provided one or two of these services, or in some cases, all three.

Much of the following information on stage operators, arrival and departure times, etc. that is contained in this section on public houses also appears in the subsequent section on stage travel itself.  Although it is not desirable to have the same information appear in two different parts of this work, it is helpful in establishing a link between many of the following public houses and the stage operations that were connected with them.

Based on the lack of in-depth information regarding stage travel, it is sometimes difficult to tell for sure whether a public house along a stage route was a stage stop.  Hotels, inns and taverns along the King’s Highway, and later, The Frankford and Bristol Turnpike are no exception.  As a result, those with ties to stage travel will be identified as such, while others will be included for general information.  The listing of public houses will start in the center of Philadelphia, and move northeast to the Bucks County line at the Poquessing Creek.  The order is approximate, based on the information provided by various sources.

The Indian King Tavern

A tavern associated with stage travel that was located “on Market Street near Third Street” (“Market Street,” par. 7).  The Philadelphia Directory, printed in 1785 indicates that a stage “sets out every morning at 4 o’clock for New York from Francis Lee’s, at the Indian Queen, and from Mrs. Paul’s, at the Indian King; others return the same day” (White 97).

Cross Keys Tavern

A tavern associated with stage travel that was located at 3rd and Chestnut Streets in Philadelphia, PA.  “In June, 1774, John Masherew has dropped back to two days, starting now from the Cross Keys, Philadelphia and exchanging at Princeton” (Benedict 115).  Cross Keys was a common name for public house’s of the time, and it is assumed that this Cross Keys public house was located close to the center of Philadelphia, and was not the one later described as being located in Frankford.  The phrase “dropped back to two days,” references the necessity of lengthening the travel time from Philadelphia to New York from a day and a half to two days, and will be explained in more detail at a later time.

“In Sept., 1774, the Philadelphia and New York stage wagon from Cross Keys, Philadelphia, exchanges at Princeton; fare 20s.; trip two days; and is again advertised by Charles Bessonett.  Apparently the “Bessonett & Co.” is composed of Bessonett & Hart” (Benedict 115).

It is interesting to note that stage lines operated by different individuals sometimes originated or terminated at the same location or public house.  In this case, John Masherew’s service started at the Cross Keys, located in Philadelphia, in June, 1774, while in September, 1774 Bessonett & Hart started from the Cross Keys as well.

The Cross Keys continued to be a busy starting point into the early 1780’s.   In the Fall of 1780, a “stage wagon {runs} from Cross Keys Tavern, 3^rd and Chestnut, Philadelphia, to Trenton on Tuesdays, and return Wednesdays.  This by Jonathan Scholfield” (Benedict 116).

Three Tuns Tavern

A tavern associated with stage travel that was located on Chestnut Street, between Second and Third Streets in Philadelphia, PA.  Perhaps one of the earliest stagecoach taverns in the area, whose history is related in terms of travel over the Pennypack Creek Bridge.  “There would be no regular transportation over the bridge until 1725.  There was a coach that ran from the Three Tuns Tavern at Chestnut Street, between Second and Third, to Frankford” (“Bridging,” par. 12).

Additional details of the location of this tavern, and one of its early landlords follows.  “Three-Tun Tavern was in Chestnut street, south side, below Second, kept by William Tidmarsh before 1725” (Watson 367).

Death of the Fox

A public house associated with early stage travel that was located in Strawberry Alley, Philadelphia, PA.  “The first stage-coach of which we have an authentic record was in November, 1756, when “a new stage left John Butler’s sign of “The Death of the Fox,” in Strawberry Alley, Philadelphia, for New York.  The trip was made one way in three days once each week”” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).

Neither staging nor inn-keeping were John Butler’s first vocation.  “The first stage-coach between Philadelphia and New York was set up in 1756, by John Butler, who had kept a kennel of hounds for some wealthy gentlemen of that city fond of  fox-hunting. When the population became too dense to indulge in this sport the hounds were given up, and the old keeper established in the business of staging. The stages ran up and down the west bank of the Delaware, crossing at the falls, and three days were required between the two cities” (Davis 750).  For Butler’s friends, fox-hunting did not end as the city grew, but was moved to a less populated area.  “When the spread of the city northward obliged them to move their kennels to New Jersey they set their old keeper up in a tavern” (Powers, “Tales of Old Taverns“ 200).

Naming a commercial business “Death of the Fox” would today be considered in very poor taste, especially if associated with a group involved in fox-hunting!  However, in the eighteenth century, it is just one of many examples of inappropriate names for public houses.

The Indian Queen

A public house associated with stage travel that was located at 15 South Fourth Street in Philadelphia, PA.  “Henry Wansey, an English traveler in 1794, started on his trip to New York from The Indian Queen, 15 south Fourth Street, at 3 A.M., and reached The Red Lion at sunrise” (Powers, “Tales of Old Taverns“ 208).

This was a very popular name for early American public houses.  However, it is reasonable to assume that the Indian Queen located in Philadelphia that Wansey started from in 1794 was the same Indian Queen where stages originated twenty two years earlier.  “On July 23, 1772, a Philadelphia stage coach, from the “Indian Queen,” by way of Bristol, Trenton, Brunswick, Elizabeth and Newark (fare 30s) will leave each Friday and go through in two days, with four good horses, and will accommodate eight passengers.  This notice is by Joseph Hart” (Benedict 114).

The ownership of this line changes over the course of a couple of years, but regardless of that, the service begins or ends at the Indian Queen.  “The Philadelphia and New York stage coaches from “Indian Queen” begin Apr. 13, 1773, and exchange at Princeton, making the trip in two day; fare $4.00; but instead of Joseph Hart, they are now operated by Charles “Bessonet” and Co.  In Jan., 1774, Joseph Hart is again operating this line on the same schedule; baggage now limited to 14 lbs” (Benedict 115).

The Philadelphia Directory, printed in 1785 indicates that a stage “sets out every morning at 4 o’clock for New York from Francis Lee’s, at the Indian Queen, and from Mrs. Paul’s, at the Indian King; others return the same day” (White 97).

The Philadelphia Directory and Register, printed in 1793 indicates that “there are at present four stages ply between this city and New-York, two of which set off at three o’clock in the morning, and arrive at New York that evening; the one, from James Thompson’s, at the Indian Queen, 15, So. Fourth St. the other, from the city tavern, 86, So. Second St” (Hardie 214).

Stephen’s Philadelphia Directory for 1796 indicates that “four {stages} ply between this city and New York; one from the Indian Queen No. 15 South Fourth Street, every morning at six” (Stephens 59).

Robinson’s Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803 indicates that the Federal Line stages left from the Indian Queen for New York Monday through Saturday at 2 o’clock A. M. and 8 o’clock A. M. (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803” 287).

Robinson’s Philadelphia Directory For 1805 indicates that the Federal Line stages left from the Indian Queen for New York Monday through Saturday at 8 o’clock A. M. (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory For 1805” lxvi-lxvii).

It seems from the information that appears above that the Indian Queen played a central role in stage travel in, and around Philadelphia.  At a minimum, this public house accommodated passengers in 1772, 1773, 1774, 1785, 1793, 1794, 1796, 1803 and 1805.  However, it appears that at various times public houses, and/or their proprietors fell in and out of favor with stage operators.  “Sometimes, landlords who had lost their stage connections felt it necessary to save their faces by explanatory notices in newspapers.  A notice by Jacob Bergen of the Indian Queen Tavern in Philadelphia carried more conviction {than others}.  He announced in 1782 that “the Elizabeth-Town and Baltimore stages, which so greatly incommoded his house, by the noise and trouble occasioned by their coming in late a nights, and setting out early in the mornings, are now removed from hence; he therefore flatters himself the he now has it in his power to accommodate gentlemen, travelers, and others with genteel lodgings”” (Holmes 146).

The City Tavern

A tavern associated with stage travel that was located at 86 South Second Street in Philadelphia, PA.  The Philadelphia Directory and Register, printed in 1793 indicates that “there are at present four stages ply between this city and New-York, two of which set off at three o’clock in the morning, and arrive at New York that evening; the one, from James Thompson’s, at the Indian Queen, 15, So. Fourth St. the other, from the city tavern, 86, So. Second St” (Hardie 214).

Washington Hall Hotel

A hotel that was associated with stage travel.  Unlike nearly all the public houses that appear before or after, there is no evidence that stages actually departed from, or arrived at the Washington Hall Hotel.  An advertisement that appears in John Paxton’s Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1818 indicates that seats on the New York Post Chaise and New York Mail Coach Pilot stages could be reserved by “applying” at either the Washington Hall Hotel or at the New Post Chaise and Coach Office, located at 43 South Fourth Street.  Seats on the Baltimore Pilot stage could also be reserved at these two locations (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1818”).

It is difficult to find information on the location and history of many of the public houses that appear in this section.  As a result, when information is available, it seems a shame not to include it, even if there is a chance that it is wrong.  Although the name Washington Hall Hotel does not appear in the following information, the “Hotel” sign above the front door of the building that appears on the left side of the print would seem to indicate that the building that was the Mansion House Hotel in 1806 was probably the Washington House Hotel in 1818.  “Washington Hall was the home of the Washington Benevolent Association and was built next to the William Bingham Mansion some time after that building had become the Mansion House Hotel in 1806. Situated on the west side of Third Street above Spruce in the Society Hill section of the city, the Bingham Mansion was built in 1789 by William Bingham, a wealthy merchant, banker and legislator. After Bingham’s death in 1804, the mansion was turned into a hotel. After being damaged by fire in 1823 and again in 1847, it was demolished about 1850” (Washington Hall).

Federal Procession

Although the term Federal Procession is primarily associated with a parade through the streets of Philadelphia on July 4, 1788, it appears to also have been the name of a public house or some other starting point for stage travel in 1803.  Unfortunately, its location cannot be determined at this time, however it is assumed to be close to the center of Philadelphia.  The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803 indicates that the Bustletown stage started from the Federal Procession every day (Sundays excepted) at 6 o’clock A. M. and 8 o’clock A. M. (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803” 287).

Carpenter’s Inn

An inn that was associated with stage travel.  Unfortunately, the location of Carpenter’s Inn cannot be accurately determined based on the information provided in the The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803.  However, it is assumed to be close to the center of Philadelphia. This directory indicates that the Trenton stage started from Carpenter’s Inn every day (Monday excepted) at 7 o’clock A. M., except during the “winter season.”  The departure time during the “winter season” was 8 A. M. (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803” 287).

Based on the format of the listing in the 1803 directory, there is a possibility that Carpenter’s Inn was located at 82 North Front Street, however, further research is required to confirm this location.

Hardy’s Inn

An inn that was associated with stage travel.  Unfortunately, the location of Hardy’s Inn cannot be accurately determined based on the information provided in the The Philadelphia Directory For 1805.  However, it is assumed to be close to the center of Philadelphia.  This directory indicates that the U. S. Mail stages started from Hardy’s Inn for New York every day (Sunday excepted) at noon (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory For 1805” lxvi-lxvii).

City Hotel

A hotel that was associated with stage travel.  Unfortunately, the location of the City Hotel cannot be accurately determined based on the information provided in the Philadelphia Directory and Register For 1813.  However, it is assumed to be close to the center of Philadelphia.  This directory indicates that the U. S. Mail stages started from the City Hotel for New York every day of the week starting at noon (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1813” viii-ix).

Franklin Inn

An inn that was associated with stage travel.  Unfortunately, the location of the Franklin Inn cannot be accurately determined based on the information provided in the The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803.  However, it is assumed to be close to the center of Philadelphia.  This directory indicates that the New Line stages started from the Franklin Inn for New York every day at 2 o’clock A. M., except during the “winter season.”  The departure time during the “winter season” was 10 A. M.  (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803” 287).

Based on the format of the listing in the 1803 directory, there is a possibility that the Franklin Inn was located at 59 North Second Street, however, further research is required to confirm this location.  There is also a possibility that the Franklin Inn and the house named Franklin’s Head, that appears immediately below, are one and the same.  This conjecture is based on the narrative that that the author provides that he was “conveyed to the Franklin’s Head, in North Second Street.”

Franklin’s Head

A public house associated with stage travel that was located on North Second Street.  “On the next day I sensibly felt the ill effects of my journey {from Trenton, New Jersey}.  We set off at six in the morning, and were conveyed to the Franklin’s Head, in North Second Street, Philadelphia, at two; having come thirty miles, making together ninety-six miles from New York.  I found accommodation at a private boarding-house, where I remained an invalid for a fortnight” (Jensen 175).

Hall’s Hotel

A hotel associated with stage travel that was located on Second Street below Arch in Philadelphia, PA.  “In 1840 three lines of stages were running between Frankford and Philadelphia, including one from Holmesburg, and one from Bustleton, owned by David Maguire.  The fare between Philadelphia and Frankford was twenty-five cents.  The coaches for Frankford left Hall’s Hotel on Second Street below Arch” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).

George Hotel/George Tavern/George Inn

A tavern associated with stage travel that was located at the corner of Second and Mulberry Streets in Philadelphia, PA.  A different source indicates that the street once known as Mullberry Street is the present-day Arch Street (Williams 2).  The Philadelphia Directory and Register, printed in 1793 indicates that ” a stage sets off from the George tavern, corner of Second and Mulberry Sts. precisely at half past 8 o’clock in the morning, and on Saturday at 6 o’clock, and arrives at New-York the succeeding day by 1 o’clock” (Hardie 214).

Robinson’s Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803 indicates that the Commercial stage line left from the George Tavern for New York Monday through Saturday at 2 o’clock A. M. and 8 o’clock A. M., except during the “winter season.”  The departure time during the “winter season” was 10 A. M.  The same directory indicates that the Diligence stage line also left from the George Tavern for New York Monday through Saturday at 8 o’clock A. M. all year round (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803” 287).

Robinson’s Philadelphia Directory For 1805 indicates that the Commercial stage line left from the George Inn for New York Monday through Saturday at 2 o’clock A. M.  The same directory indicates that the New Line Industry stage left from the George Inn for New York seven days at 7 o’clock A. M.  The third company to use the George Inn as its point of departure in 1805 was the Diligence stage line.  It left from the George Inn for New York Monday through Saturday at 8 o’clock A. M. (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory For 1805” lxvi-lxvii).

Sign of the Camel/Camel Inn/Camel Hotel/Camel Tavern

One of the more difficult public houses to identify, with any certainty, that was heavily associated with the stage trade had, as part of its name, the word “camel.”  Information will be presented as it appears in the original sources to try to help determine whether these were different houses, whose names contained the word “camel,” or if there was only one “camel” public house.  The lack of numbered street addresses makes identifying the location even more difficult.  Although not all sources list a clear location, all will be presented to try to solve this mystery.

John Paxton’s “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1818” indicates that both the Bustle Town and Holmesburg stages “run from the Camel inn, 140 N. Second” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1818” xciii).  As with many listings that appear in city directories, it is difficult to determine if the Camel Inn was located at 140 North Second Street, or if these were two different locations where passengers could board.

The same type of ambiguous listing for the “camel” that appeared in the 1818 directory, also appears in Mr. Paxton’s 1819 directory.  The Holmesburg stage starts from “130 N. Second, daily 3 P. M. – another runs from the Camel inn 140 N. Second” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory and Register For 1819” lxxvii).

In Watson and Hazard’s Annals of Philadelphia . . . . . , the authors write that “the Camel Hotel {was located}, on Second street above Race, with its sign of the Camel” (367).  Although they don’t link this public house to stage travel, they provide a location, and point out that “this was a favorite stopping-place for farmers doing business on Second street” (Watson 367).

In his History of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, Theodore Bean provides very little, if any, information on stage travel on present-day Frankford Avenue.  However, when writing about the departure point for the Doylestown stage in 1831, he provides a clear location for a public house, whose name contains the word “camel.”  “In 1831 the Doylestown stage was announced to start from the Camel Tavern, in Second Street above Race” (Bean 132).

Although in close proximity, a different location is provided when describing the starting point of a line of stages that ran from Philadelphia to Frankford, towards the end of the stage era.  “In 1845 a line of Coaches ran from Frankford to Philadelphia.  Starting from Mrs. Rice’s Hotel, Frankford Avenue and Ruan Street, every morning, arriving in Philadelphia at the Sign of the Camel, Third and Vine Streets, and returning same day” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).

The fate of the Camel Hotel that was located on Second Street above Race was provided by Watson and Hazard.   “It was torn down within the past ten or fifteen years.  Its erection dated before the Revolution” (Watson 367).  This information came from a volume that showed a print date of 1899.  This would mean that demolition took place sometime between 1884 and 1899.

Whether this was the only public house whose name contained the word “camel” will require further investigation.

Buck Inn/Buck Tavern

The location of a public house that had strong ties to stage travel, whose name contained the word “Buck,” was also difficult to pinpoint.  As with the “camel,” information will be presented as it appears in the original sources.  To make this even more confusing, Watson and Hazard’s Annals of Philadelphia . . . . . identifies two public houses, within close proximity to each other, known as “Buck.”  Unfortunately, their listings do not provide numbered street addresses.  They do provide the names of the proprietors, however, they do not give any indication when they operated these houses.

James Robinson’s “The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803” indicates that the Frankford stage starts from the “Buck Inn, 130 N. Second” (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803” 287).  As with many listings that appear in city directories, it is difficult to determine if the Buck Inn was located at 130 North Second Street, or if these were two different locations where passengers could board.

Based on prior and subsequent evidence, if it is assumed that the “Buck” was located at 130 North Second Street, a stage bound for Frankford also started from this location in 1805, however, only the street address, but not the establishment’s name appears in this directory.  Mr. Robinson’s 1805 directory indicates “Frankford Stage, from 84 and 130 N. Second, daily, at 9 A. M. and 6 P. M.” (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory For 1805” lxvi).  This is also the case with the Bustletown stage.  The listing appears as “Bustletown Stage, 130 North Second, Every day, Sundays excepted, 6 A. M.” (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory For 1805” lxvi).

The link between the “Buck” and 130 North Second Street becomes even more confusing in John Paxton’s “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1813.”  The stage going to the present-day Bustleton section of Philadelphia is listed as follows: “Bustle Town, 130 north Second, daily 3 P. M.” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1813” viii).  The two daily stages departing for Frankford leave the “(Buck inn) 130 n. 2d, 9 A. M. and 4 P. M. daily” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1813” viii).  The starting point, and time for the Holmesburg stage is the same as that of the wagon or coach travelling to Bustle Town.  “Holmesburg 130 n. 2d, daily 3 P. M.” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1813” viii).  Why the listing for the Frankford stages show both the name Buck Inn and the North Second Street address, and the lines advertising the stages for Bustle Town and Holmesburg show only the 130 North Second Street address is not clear.

John Paxton also compiled the information for “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1818.”  In this directory, the departure locations and times for the Bustle Town, Frankford and Holmesburg stages are listed exactly as they appeared in his 1813 directory, with one exception.  Unfortunately, the street number that appears next to the words Buck Inn, on the line listing the Frankford stage, are illegible in the copy of the directory that appears on-line.

John Paxton again provides travel information in his “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1819,” however, the listings that appear don’t go far enough in providing firm evidence that the “Buck” was located at 130 North Second Street.  There are two daily departures for Frankford from the “Buck, 130 N. Second st. daily at 9 A. M and 5 P. M.” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1819” lxxvii).  The listings for the stages to Bustleton and Holmesburg appear much as they did in the 1813 and 1818 directories, with one exception.  One line of the directory displays the following information: “Bustleton and Holmesburg, Buck, 130 N. Second st. daily, at 3 P, M.” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1819” lxxvii).  Holmesburg is listed again on a separate line, and reads as follows: “Holmesburg, 130 N. Second, daily 3 P. M. – another runs from Camel inn 140 N. Second” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1819” lxxvii).  Why the words Buck Inn were omitted from the listings for the Holmesburg stage in three of the directories that were surveyed is curious.  It may be impossible to ever determine for sure why these listings appear as they do.

As with the “Camel” public house, Theodore Bean provides some of the clearest location information for the “Buck” yet.  In describing the departure point for a stage to Doylestown, he indicates that “this stage in 1820 made the Buck Tavern, 130 North Second Street, its stopping place” (Bean 132).

An even better source seems to be H. C. Carey and I. Lea’s directory titled Philadelphia in 1824.  Under a “List of the principal Hotels or Inns for the Accommodation of Travellers,” the first line reads “Buck Tavern, No. 130 North Second street” (Carey 197).  Unlike the stage information in the previously listed directories, where it was difficult to determine whether the “Buck” was located at 130 North Second Street, or if the North Second Street address was a separate departure point, this provides information solely on the location of hotels and inns.

One of the last directories to contain stage information was Robert Desilver’s “Desilver’s Philadelphia Directory And Strangers’ Guide 1831.”  One of the stages for Frankford is still shown as departing “from the Buck, 130 north second” (Desilver, pages are un-numbered.  Information appears at the end of the directory).  If Messrs. Bean and Carey and Lea’s information is correct, then this would only seem to confirm the location of the “Buck.”  However, this listing is consistent with earlier listings, that leaves some doubt as to the exact location of this public house.

Watson and Hazard’s Annals of Philadelphia . . . . . was again consulted in an effort to accurately determine the location of the “Buck.”  One of the two listings seems to place this house in close proximity to the 130 North Second Street address.  “Buck (Michael Kraft), Second street, between Race and Vine” (Watson 367).  A second “Buck” in the central part of Philadelphia is listed as follows: “Buck (George Yoe), Callowhill street, between Second and Third” (Watson 346).

Based on the preceding information, it is apparent that a public house whose name contained the word “Buck” was an important hub for stage travel during the first third of the nineteenth century.  Hopefully, further research will provide further confirmation of its location, along with additional information on the house itself.

Judd’s Hotel

A hotel associated with stage travel that was located at 27 South Third Street in Philadelphia, PA.  The listings for this hotel in John Paxton’s “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1818” are in the same format as those of the “Camel” and “Buck.” One indicates that the New York bound “Post Coach leaves Judd’s Hotel 27 S. Third street, daily (Sundays excepted) at 5 P. M.” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1818” xciv). A second listing shows that the “Trenton Coach leaves Judd’s Hotel, 27 S. Third, daily, at 9 A. M.” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1818” xciv).  Unlike the locations of the “Camel” and “Buck” however, clear documentation exists that places Judd’s Hotel at 27 South Third Street.  The painting that appears below is in the collection of the Philadelphia Museum of Art.

The following description accompanies the painting.  In addition to verifying the location, it provides a brief history of the hotel and the surrounding area.

The summer of 1820 was a particularly hard one for Philadelphia. Yellow fever killed a significant number of the city’s citizens, and subsequent efforts to improve sanitation included leveling many older buildings to make way for spacious new storefronts. Opened around this time at 27 South Third Street, Judd’s Hotel was among the first establishments to open in the new buildings and did a good business. Wide sidewalks offered better air circulation and curbside posts and rails supported large awnings to shade pedestrians from the summer sun (Judd’s)

The listing for the Trenton coach is the same in Mr. Paxton’s 1819 directory, as it was a year earlier.  “Trenton Coach leaves Judd’s Hotel, 27 S. Third, daily, at 9 A. M.” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1819” lxxix).

Green Tree Inn

An inn that was associated with stage travel.  Unfortunately, the location of the Green Tree Inn cannot be accurately determined based on the information provided in Philadelphia directories printed in 1813 or 1818.  In both these directories, the listings for the Green Tree are in the same format as the earlier listings for the “Camel,” the “Buck” and Judd’s Hotel.  In John Paxton’s “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1813,” a stage travelling to New York is listed as follows: “Swift Sure (Green tree inn) 50 north Fourth, fare 5 dolls. through a pleasant country, daily 8 A. M. (Sundays excepted)” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1813” viii-ix).

The listing for the Swiftsure’s line to New York in Mr. Paxton’s 1818 directory appears in the same format, but is a little less descriptive.  “Swiftsure (Green Tree) 50 N. 4^th, daily (Sundays excepted) at 8 o’clock A. M.” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1818” xciv).

The Swiftsure line of stages to New York was still using the Green Tree as its departure point based on information provided in Mr. Paxton’s 1819 directory.  The address is still listed in the same manner as in previous directories, however, some basic information is provided as to the route the stage will take.  “New York Swiftsure, (via Somerville, N. J.) Green Tree, No. 50 N. Fourth st. daily at 8 A. M. in summer and 7 in winter” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1819” lxxvii).  The notation of Somerville, New Jersey, would seem to indicate that this stage line used the Old York Road to reach New York, rather than the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike.

Theodore Bean again proves to be the best source for the location of the Green Tree public house located close to the center of Philadelphia.  In describing a stage line to Doylestown in 1820, he writes that “it started from the “Green Tree” inn, No. 50 North Fourth Street, on every Sunday, Tuesday and Thursday, at four o’clock A.M.” (Bean 131).

If it is assumed that Mr. Bean is correct that the Green Tree was located at 50 North Fourth Street, then another example of the listing of a street address, without showing the name of the public house that was located at that address has been discovered.  In Mr. Robinson’s 1805 directory the following listing appears for a New York bound stage: “New Line Industry, from 50 N. Fourth and George Inn, daily at 7 A. M.” (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory For 1805” lxvi).  Why one address, without the house name, and one house name, without the address, appears on the same line is difficult to understand.

White Swan Hotel

A public house that was associated with stage travel.  Unfortunately, the location of the White Swan cannot be accurately determined based on the information provided in the The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803, and similar directories published in later years.  The 1803 and 1805 directories indicate that the Harrowgate stage started from the “White Swan, 106 Race st. as passengers offer.” (Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803” 287).

Although the 106 Race Street address can’t be confirmed, two other sources show that a public house named the White Swan was located in that vicinity, and that it must have been a major hub for stage travel.  In discussing stage lines to Bethlehem and Reading, Pennsylvania in 1820, John Macfarlane writes that “the second Bethlehem line, which started from the White Swan Hotel, Third and Race Streets, Philadelphia, was owned by Jacob Peters, the largest stage proprietor of that day in Philadelphia (Macfarlane 51).

In E. L. Carey and A. Hart’s Picture of Philadelphia, published in 1835, the following listing appears: “Oswego Stage, office White Swan, Race street above Third” (237).  This would seem to indicate that at this time, the White Swan also served as a stage office, where tickets could be purchased, and reservations made.  It can be assumed that the departure time and place would be conveyed when the tickets were purchased.

Sign of the Sorrel Horse/Sorel Horse

A public house associated with stage travel that was located at 39 North Second Street in Philadelphia, PA.  “The Philadelphia Directory and Register,” printed in 1793, indicates that “the mail-stage sets off at 1 o’clock, P.M. from Mr. Anderson’s, at the sign of the sorrel horse, 39, No. Second St. and carries only four passengers, and arrives at New-York in 21 hours after its departure.  The fare for each passenger in these stages, is four dollars, and four pence per mile for way passengers” (Hardie 214).

John Paxton’s “The Philadelphia Directory and Register For 1819” indicates that a stage bound for Frankford leaves the “Sorel Horse, N. Second st. daily at 9 A. M. and 5 P. M.” (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory and Register For 1819” lxxxviii).  It appears that the word sorrel was misspelled in this directory.

Watson and Hazard again confirm the approximate location of the Sorrel Horse.  They list that it was on “Second street, nearly opposite Christ Church” (Watson 354).

As an aside, the phrase sorrel horse seems to have been a very popular name for public houses of the time, both in the United States and the United Kingdom.  Wikipedia defines a sorrel horse a couple of different ways.  One is that sorrel is an alternative term for the chestnut, one of the most common equine coat colors in horses.  A second definition lists sorrel as a self-color used to describe only horses whose mane, tail, and legs are the same color as the rest of the coat, with the exception of white markings.

Bailey’s

Based on information provided in John Paxton’s “The Philadelphia Directory and Register For 1819,” Bailey’s was a “place” associated with stage travel, however, it is uncertain whether it was a public house, or where it was located.  This directory lists that both the New York Post Coach and New York Mail Coach are associated with  Bailey’s.  The listings are as follows: “New York Post Coach, apply at Bailey’s No 30 S. Third street, daily (except Sunday) at 5 A. M.”  “New York Mail Coach, apply at Bailey’s, No. 30 south Third street, daily at 3 P. M.”  (Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory and Register For 1819” lxxix).  The 30 South Third Street address is in the same format as many of the other addresses in this, and prior directories.  Unfortunately, no corroborating evidence can be found in any of the sources previously cited, to say for sure that Bailey’s was located at 30 South Third Street.  The other unique thing about this listing is that the word “apply” is used.  This would seem to indicate that reservations could be made at this location, while the starting point for the stage could be somewhere else.  Although it is not clear that “Bailey’s” was a public house, it was associated with stage travel, and as a result, will be included in this section until further research can be done.

A different source mentions the 30 South Third Street address, but makes no mention of “Bailey’s.”  Instead, in advertising travel in 1819 this location is associated with the U. S. Mail Coach office.  “The Citizens’ Line, advertised in this way:  For the express accommodation of the citizens of Philadelphia and New York the subscribers offer for their patronage a Line of Coaches, which for comfort and security shall not be surpassed by any line of coaches on the continent, to leave the U.S. Mail Coach office, 30 South Third Street, daily at 5 o’clock and arrive at New York the same day in The Coach, which will cross the North River by Steam Boats” (Faris 286).  It is interesting to note that the Citizens’ line of coaches did not appear in John Paxton’s “The Philadelphia Directory and Register For 1819.”

Phillip Miller’s Tavern

A tavern associated with stage and/or omnibus travel that was located on the Frankford Road above its intersection with Master Street, at Hanover Street.  “The coaches for Frankford left Hall’s Hotel, on Second street below Arch, and traveled north on Second street to Master street, then east on Master street to Frankford road (where on the northwest corner stood the Kensington Commissioners’ Hall); thence up Frankford road to Phillip Miller’s tavern, which stood on the northeast corner of Frankford road and Hanover street.  This was the regular stopping place for collecting the fares and watering the horses” (Dixon 3).  Unfortunately, even after reviewing a number of maps of the area, the location of Hanover Street cannot be determined.

The Black Horse Hotel/Tavern

A tavern that was located across the Frankford Road from Hanover Street.  No sources that were reviewed showed any connection to stage travel.  The information that follows is identical to what appears immediately above, which describes the location of Phillip Miller’s Tavern, with the addition of the approximate location of the Black Horse Tavern.  The additional information also mentions the White Horse Tavern, however, there is no frame of reference to determine its location, so it will be omitted until further research is done.  “The coaches for Frankford left Hall’s Hotel, on Second street below Arch, and traveled north on Second street to Master street, then east on Master street to Frankford road (where on the northwest corner stood the Kensington Commissioners’ Hall); thence up Frankford road to Phillip Miller’s tavern, which stood on the northeast corner of Frankford road and Hanover street.  This was the regular stopping place for collecting the fares and watering the horses.  On the opposite side of the street was an old frame house called the Black Horse Tavern.  The White Horse Tavern was a stone building.  These two buildings were very old at that time” (Dixon 3).

Elm Tree Hotel

No sources that were reviewed showed any connection to stage travel.  The exact location of the Elm Tree Hotel can only be approximated because no numbered street address is provided.  It was “located above the Trenton Railroad Depot on the left side of Frankford Avenue leaving Philadelphia.  After leaving the Trenton Depot the houses were few and far between.  The first one of note was a large Colonial building on the left, and, like all buildings of early date, it was surrounded by trees.  One large elm tree stood in the yard with its immense branches reaching nearly across the road.  The cottage was called Elm cottage, and later on was opened as a hotel, called the Elm Tree Hotel” (Dixon 3-4).  On an 1883 map of Philadelphia produced by O.W. Gray & Son and J. Gospill’s Sons, the Philadelphia and Trenton Railroad Depot appears on the west side of the Frankford Road, north of Columbia Avenue {now Cecil B. Moore Avenue}, and south of Montgomery Avenue.

McVeagh’s Tavern/Old Inn

A tavern “located near the current Womrath Park at Kensington and  Frankford Avenues.  Also known as the Old Inn” (McCarthy, par. 6). No sources that were reviewed showed any connection to stage travel.  “It was run by the widow Rebecca McVeagh.  Was a possible location where the Frankford Advice took place in 1774” (McCarthy, par. 6).

What John Adams called “the Frankfort Advice” would prove to be a pivotal conversation in American history. (McCarthy, par. 2)

Frankford was at that time a village of a few hundred inhabitants. Located on the King’s Highway (now Frankford Avenue), one of the main roads that led from Philadelphia to New York and Boston, it was a natural stopping place for those traveling to Philadelphia from the north. At the meeting in Frankford on the eve of the First Continental Congress, the Pennsylvanians told their Massachusetts counterparts that the other American colonies were deeply suspicious of them, that Massachusetts was viewed as too radical and too bent on independence from Britain, a concept that at that time many of the other delegations weren’t quite ready to accept. The Pennsylvanians advised the Massachusetts delegates to take a lesser role in the upcoming Congress, to not speak of independence just yet, and to let Virginia take the lead, since Virginia was then the largest and wealthiest colony in America and its delegates widely respected. (McCarthy, par. 3)

“Our House”/Park Hotel

Although no sources that were reviewed showed any connection to stage travel, the public house known as “Our House,” and later the Park Hotel, played an important role in the welfare of the surrounding community, and “was one of the many Colonial inns on King’s Highway (now Frankford Avenue), Frankford” (“Park Hotel – Frankford, PA”).  “The Park Hotel, formerly known as “OUR HOUSE” was on the southwest corner of Frankford Avenue northeast of Womrath Street (Now being Nos. 4217-4219 Frankford Avenue) and was supposed to be the home of Henry Paul.  The lot had a frontage on Frankford Avenue of about 100 feet and extended in depth to Paul Street.  It was a two story and attic rough cast building with a gambrel-roofed gable, facing the street, a front and side porch, a room on the southwest side of {the} building and dwelling quarters on the east side.  There were also sheds and stabling for horses in the rear” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 5).  The location is close to the intersection of Kensington and Frankford Avenues.  Per Wikipedia, a gambrel roof “is a usually symmetrical two-sided roof with two slopes on each side. (The usual architectural term in eighteenth-century England and North America was “Dutch roof.”).”

“In 1781 Jacob Lesher was listed as an inn-keeper at a public house later known as the Park Hotel” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 62).

“The first Volunteer Fire Company was organized in this building in 1793” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 5).

“In 1831 there was a gathering of solid, substantial citizens in the public house of Thomas Sidebotham, in Frankford, now nos. 4217-19-21 Frankford Avenue” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 65).  In a different work, Mr. Hallowell provides greater detail on the subject of this meeting.  “On January 3^rd, 1831, Samuel Pilling, Jeremiah {last name could not be read}, Thomas Sidebotham and Isaac Shallcross organized the first Building Association in the United States, which was known as the “Oxford Provident Building Association.”  This association was a one series association and ran for about ten years” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 6).  The importance of the “Oxford Provident Building Association” to the people of Frankford cannot be overstated.  “In 1831, community leaders in the Frankford section of Philadelphia met to organize the country’s first savings and loan association, the Oxford Provident Building Association. Originally called building and loans or thrifts, these associations had the specific goal of helping the members become homeowners” (Mason, par. 5).

In addition to their involvement with the Building Association, it appears that during this time period both Thomas Sidebotham and Samuel Pilling had an ownership stake in the “Our House” public house.  “At the death of Samuel Pilling, the property was purchased by Daniel Faunce, on April 1, 1853.  Mr. Faunce kept a hotel here until the time of his death.  It is said he made a good host and provided a warm home for his guests.  After the death of Daniel Faunce the property passed into the hands of {first name could not be read} Cheetham, who sold it in 1890 to Noble McClintock, after which it became known as the “Park Hotel.”  The property has since been altered and stores erected on the lot” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 6).  When the property was altered, and the stores built is not clear, as there is no indication on the work itself when it was written.  Based on the following information, it appears that the building was still there in 1912.  “The Park Hotel in 1912 was 4213 to 4221 Frankford Avenue” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 23).  It also appears that at some point in the late nineteenth or early twentieth century, part of Frankford Avenue was re-numbered.  Previous listings have the address as 4217-4219 and/or 4217-19-21 Frankford Avenue.

The Golden Fleece Tavern/Eagle Hotel

A hotel associated with stage travel that was located at “4242 and 4244 Frankford Avenue.  In 1845 Thomas Rorer was proprietor of a stage line which ran from the Eagle Hotel.  Later, Mr. Rorer purchased the property on the southeast side of Frankford Avenue, northeast of Unity Street, and transferred his headquarters there” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).  The destination of Rorer’s line is not listed.

This public house “was a two and half story rough cast building with a long, two story back building and a stable in the rear (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 6).  “This was a favorite place for farmers and travelers to stop” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 6-7).

“About this time {1845} Allen Pickup conducted a stage line to Philadelphia, which ran from the Eagle Hotel.  He sold the business to Clayton Connor” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).  It can’t be determined whether Pickup’s line ran from the Eagle Hotel after Rorer moved his business, or whether they were both using the Eagle Hotel.

Mrs. Rice’s Hotel

A hotel associated with stage travel that was located at “Frankford Avenue and Ruan Street” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).  As previously mentioned, “in 1845 a line of Coaches ran from Frankford to Philadelphia.  Starting from Mrs. Rice’s Hotel, Frankford Avenue and Ruan Street, every morning, arriving in Philadelphia at the Sign of the Camel, Third and Vine Streets, and returning same day” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).

Cross Keys Hotel

A hotel associated with stage travel that was “one of the colonial inns on King’s Highway (now Frankford Avenue), Frankford. Located at the corner of Ruan Street on the avenue, the Cross Keys Hotel was built in 1751.  During the colonial period it was the custom of mail coaches running between Philadelphia and New York to stop at the Cross Keys, which became famous for its noted gatherings. During the revolution it was a prominent rendezvous for both Colonial and British officers” (“Cross Keys Hotel – Frankford, PA”).

“A portion of the hotel stood in what is now the corner of Ruan Street.  This was a three story and a half stone building, {word could not be read} dashed, with stabling in the rear.  No one knows just when this hotel was erected, but as early as 1769 Rebecca McVeagh is spoken of as the inn keeper.  She was then the owner of the property.  In 1776 Mrs. McVeagh conveyed the property to her son, Colonel Benjamin McVeagh, a Revolutionary soldier.  Col. McVeagh continued as the host here until the time of his death” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 3).  “In 1781, Col. Benjamin McVeagh was listed as the inn-keeper at the Cross Keys Hotel” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 62).  Mr. Hallowell writes that no one knows when the Cross Keys Hotel was built, however, in the preceding paragraph, the unknown author indicates that it was built in 1751.  In addition to her interest in the Cross Keys Hotel, Rebecca McVeagh also operated McVeagh’s Tavern/Old Inn, which was located close to the intersection of Frankford and Kensington Avenues.  Information on McVeagh’s Tavern/Old Inn appears earlier in this section on public houses.

Much like “Our House”/Park Hotel, the Cross Keys Hotel was an important part of the Frankford community.  “The hotel was used for many years by the Borough Council for their meeting place.  Elections of the Borough were also held here” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 4).  A much more somber event occurred on April 12, 1841 when “the Burgesses adopted a resolution to pay a solemn tribute of respect to the memory of the late President, and arrangements were made to meet on the next evening at the Cross Keys, at 7 o’clock, and together with the committee of arrangement they proceeded to the Presbyterian Church, where a eulogism on the late President was delivered by Rev. W. D. Howard (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 19).  The service was to mark the passing of William Henry Harrison, who died on April 4, 1841.

Like many hotels along this major artery, the Cross Keys was eventually torn down.  The hotel was closed, and a businessman named “McFarland, a wholesale grocer, used the building for the purposes of his business.  Upon the opening of Ruan Street, the hotel was razed and stores and dwellings erected on the site” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 4).

Columbus Tavern/General Pike Hotel 

A hotel associated with stage travel that “stood at what is now Nos. 4262-64-66-68 Frankford Avenue.  It was named for General Zebulon M. Pike, who was a native of  Bucks County, and a soldier in the Revolutionary War” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 4).  “Prior to the War of 1812, this hotel, known as the Columbus Tavern, was owned by John Shallcross” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 4).  Whether this public house was named after General Zebulon Montgomery Pike who was born in 1799, explored the area now named after him; Pikes Peak, and who died in the War of 1812, or his father, who was also named Zebulon Pike and served during the Revolutionary War is not clear.

Many Bucks County farmers stopped here on their way to market (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 4).

A number of the stage lines made it their headquarters (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 5).

The property was acquired by Samuel Haigh in April of 1872 and was subsequently discontinued as a hostelry (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 5).

The Jolly Post

A public house that was associated with stage travel that was located “on the west side of Frankford Avenue; a few doors above Orthodox Street, and numbered 4608” (“Passing,” 1).    Other sources indicate that the name of this pre-Revolutionary War site was the Jolly Post Inn, the Old Jolly Post Inn, the Jolly Post Boy Tavern, the Old Jolly Post Hotel or The Jolly Post Hotel.  The Jolly Post was one of the most well known, and well documented, hotels in the area.

“Built c. 1680, it was owned from 1698 by John Worrell. The hostelry was an important staging place on the Frankford Road for coaches traveling between New York and Philadelphia” (“Old Jolly Post Hotel, Frankford”).  A different source confirms that “John Worrell purchased the property in 1698. His son Isaiah may have been the first to operate the inn from this location” (“Philly Post Cards – Also identified as the Old Jolly Post Inn…”).

Additional information on the early history of the Jolly Post, subsequent owners and what the area was like in the late 1700’s can be found in William Bucke Campbell’s work Old Towns and Districts of Philadelphia.  “The Jolly Post Hotel, at Frankford road and Orthodox street, was in 1768 advertised for sale by Joseph Thornhill, and described as a “noted inn,” “very pleasant in the summer season for any person riding out to take fresh air, as the road is generally very good between the premises and the city.”  It is said to have been a stopping place on the King’s Highway to New York prior to 1698, and the oldest part of the building may have even been Waddy’s house” (110).  This further reinforces the belief that Henry Waddy may have lived, and operated a business out of a building that would later become the Jolly Post.

An article, which appeared in the Frankford Dispatch in January, 1911 provides a much more detailed history and description of the building and the land that surrounded it.

A very Interesting article by Mr. A. B. Kennedy, entitled, “A Fassidg of the Old Jolly Post Inn,” published in the September number of McDougall’s Magazine, is given herewith:

One by one the old landmarks that are identified with colonial and revolutionary history are disappearing. The latest to give place to the march of modern improvements is the old “Jolly Post” Inn in Frankford, which is now being torn down to make room for a row of stores. This old building is not only one of the oldest houses in Pennsylvania and one of the few remaining relics of stage-coach days, but is more closely associated with the names of Washington and Lafayette and with the early days of the Revolution than any other building In Pennsylvania outside of Valley Forge and Philadelphia.

The present generation will remember the “Jolly Post” as an old stone building of two stories and a slated mansard roof, with a new brick “L” at the southern end, situated on the west side of Frankford avenue; a few doors above Orthodox street, and numbered 4608. It stood several yards back of the present building line, and a broad wagon-way at the northern end led to a good-sized stable-yard in the rear, containing various sheds and outhouses and also a livery-stable that was once the inn barn.

Very different was the “Jolly Post” in the old Colonial days when Frankford avenue was the King’s Highway and the postroad between Philadelphia and New York. Then there was no more charmingly situated inn in the country. Its symmetrical proportions were unmarred by the “L,” its roof was low and shingled and pierced with dormer-windows and a smaller, “Colonial” porch ornamented its front. Before it, amid a number of fine old shade trees, was a well famous for its clear, cold water. The stable-yard extended south to Smith’s Lane; now Orthodox street.

The property comprised more than twenty-five acres and extended northward along the highway for several hundred feet and westward to the present location of Leiper street. This ground was occupied in part by a large orchard.

The inn itself was not only a favorite stopping-place for travelers and a posthouse, where coach horses were changed, but the principal rendezvous for the citizens of the vicinity to meet and exchange news and discuss politics. In the years immediately preeceding the Revolution its bar-room was the scene of many heated debates, for there were numerous Tories as well as revolutionists in the neighborhood.

The prosperity of the old “Jolly Post” continued throughout the stage-coach days.  The house was gradually enlarged until it was fully twice its original size, but at the same time the grounds about it were curtailed with the growth of the town. But with the advent of the railroad the prosperity of the old inn began to decline. Prior to 1893 it was unoccupied for twenty years. In that year it was bought by Edwin Forrest Smith, who ran it as a hotel until his death in 1905. His widow continued the business until the spring of 1910, when she sold the property to a builder who at once began the work of demolition.

The date of the building of the “Jolly Post” is not known precisely, although a tradition in Frankford places it at 1680 and a sign put upon the inn during the “old home week” a couple of years ago, bears that date. It was in 1680, however, that a tract of 70 acres, of which the “Jolly Post” property was afterwards a part, was deed by William Penn to Henry Waddy. In 1694 this tract passed by will to Waddy’s daughter, Mrs. Richard Cooney, who sold it in 1698 to Robert Adams, for whom Adams street was named, and who, in turn, in the same year sold it to John Worrell. That portion on which the “Jolly Post” stands, consisting of 14 acres and 26 perches, was devised by John Worrell to his son Isaiah, who owned it from 1698 to 1748. It is probable that the building was erected in one of the early years of this period. This would make the date about 1700.

The year in which the Worrell mansion became the “Jolly Post” Inn is also uncertain. In 1748 Joseph Thornhill became the owner of the property. The “Pennsylvania Chronicle” of March 14, 1768, contained the following advertisement:

To be SOLD by the Subscriber, living on the premises,- in Oxford township, in the county of Philadelphia, THE NOTED INN, called the sign of the JOLLY POST, about five miles from the city of Philadelphia, near Frankford being a commodious stand, and pleasant, lofty situation, containing about twenty-five acres of land, about eight of which are well timbered, a young, thriving orchard, with about two hundred apple trees, a convenient house, kitchen, stable, sheds and trough to feed horses In, a well of good water just before the door, a good garden with sundry arbors therein, very pleasant in the summer season for any person riding out to take fresh air, as the road is generally very good between the premises and the city. Any person inclining to purchase the same, may know the terms by applying to me.

The date in which the inn was started, therefore, must have been between 1748 and 1768, probably nearer the former date than the latter. (“Passing,” 1-2)

Additional detail on the building itself, and the grounds can be found in Guernsey A. Hallowell’s excellent article, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford”

Probably the oldest of these hotels was the “JOLLY POST HOTEL,” which was located on the northwest side of Frankford Avenue, on a lot about sixty feet northeast of Orthodox Street, with a frontage of one hundred and twelve feet and extending in depth to Griscom (formerly Franklin) Street.  It was a two and one-half story stone building, with a porch extending along the whole front.  It set back from the road about twenty feet, with a pump in front of it, which was used for watering the relays of horses during the time when coaches passed through Frankford, going from Philadelphia to New York.  The northeast portion of the hotel was used for a bar room and the southwest portion for dwelling purposes (1).

Because this information is so fragmented in its original form, and is from various sources, it may be helpful to summarize as accurately as possible the early history of this landmark.

1680 – 70 acres were deeded by William Penn to Henry Waddy.  The Jolly Post was located on part of this acreage.  Some sources indicate that a building, part of which would later become the Jolly Post, was built in this year.

1694 – This tract passed by will to Waddy’s daughter, Mrs. Richard Cooney.

1698 – The land was sold to Robert Adams, for whom Adams Street was named, and who, in turn, in the same year sold it to John Worrell.   That portion on which the “Jolly Post” stands, consisting of 14 acres and 26 perches, was devised by John Worrell to his son Isaiah, who owned it from 1698 to 1748.  One source claims that Isaiah may have been the first to operate a hotel at this location.

1748 – Joseph Thornhill became the owner of the property.

1768 – Joseph Thornhill offers the property for sale.  Other sources indicate that Thornhill was the first to use the building as a hotel sometime during his ownership.

1787 to 1873 – Various owners operate the hotel.

1873 to 1893 – Unoccupied.

1893 – In that year it was bought by Edwin Forrest Smith, who ran it as a hotel until his death in 1905.  His widow continued the business until the spring of 1910.

1910 – Edwin Forrest Smith’s widow sells the property to a builder who at once begins the work of demolition.

1911 – “The old hotel building was taken down in January and February 1911 and in its place were built five modern stores and dwellings.  Being Nos. 4610-12-14-16-18 Frankford Avenue” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 3).

Regardless of the exact date that the building first served as an inn, it hosted some very important visitors over the years.  “On his way to attack the Hession troops at Trenton, Washington spent a night at the “Jolly Post,” and subsequently frequently rested there on his journeys to and from New York. In memory of this, it was proposed in later years to change the name of the inn to “Washington’s Headquarters,” but the old name was so dear to those whose forefathers had known the “Jolly Post,” through so many generations that the suggestion was not received with favor” (“Passing,” 2).

“Lafayette, upon his visit to Philadelphia in 1824, spent the night at the “Jolly Post” before entering the city. Here he received the delegates who were sent to welcome him to the city. A romantic memento of the old days that is thought to date from his visit was found when the building was renovated in 1893. In scraping the accumulated layers of white-wash from the walls of one of the rooms the workmen came upon a letter written upon the original surface of the wall. It was in French and proved to be a love-letter to one of the chambermaids. It is thought to have been written by one of Lafayette’s suite” (“Passing,” 2).

In addition to famous visitors such as Washington and Lafayette, the Jolly Post hosted some colorful characters from the area.

During the time Mr. Paul {approx. 1844} was the proprietor of the Jolly Post a story has been told of a man who took a horseshoe from the blacksmith shop of Mr. Peter Castor at Frankford Avenue and Overington Street, sold the horseshoe to Mr. Castor and with the proceeds procured a drink at the Jolly Post.  He said he robbed Peter to pay Paul.  This incident, if true, is not the origin of the phrase “Rob Peter to pay Paul” which was founded upon the following circumstance. – In 1550, several estates belonging to Westminster Abbey were granted for the repair and sustenance of St. Paul Cathedral.  Westminster Abbey is dedicated to St. Peter, the taking the Abbey funds for the benefit of St. Paul’s gave rise to the proverbial saying (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” np).

North Star Hotel

No sources that were reviewed showed any connection to stage travel.  The “North Star Hotel was situate on the east side of Frankford Avenue and the north side of Margaret Street, on a lot about 95 feet front by about 200 feet in depth.  The building stood back from Frankford Avenue about twenty-five feet and from Margaret Street about twenty feet and was a two story light brown rough cast building with a mansard roof.  It had a front porch, with two entrances – one to the bar room, which was on the southwest side of the building and the other to the living quarters, on the northeast side.  In the rear of the hotel was a large frame building, occupying the entire width of the lot and having at the rear end a stone stable for horses.  This building was also used by the farmers to shelter their hay and straw when stopping overnight”  (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 8).

“After the death of Francis Paul, {in August, 1884} John Osmond became the proprietor.  On January 13^th, 1887 the hay shed, stable and hotel were burned.  The fire started by breaking of a lantern in the hay shed by a load of hay.  Twenty-nine horses were lost” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 8).

The Seven Stars

A hotel associated with stage travel that “had a prominent position at the junction of Frankford Avenue and Oxford Pike” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 15).  The Seven Stars “was one of a number of colonial inns located on King’s Highway (now Frankford Avenue) in the Frankford section of the city” (“Seven Stars – Frankford, PA”).

“One of the earliest lines of stages between Frankford and Philadelphia was conducted by John Haines, and ran from the Seven Stars Hotel in Frankford” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).

In 1912 Guernsey A. Hallowell wrote that the Seven Stars was a “well and favorably known hostelry {that} has been a landmark in Frankford for over a century.  The original building was a two-and-a-half story stone building whitewashed regularly every year and was owned by John E. Haines, a famous stage owner” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 15).  In his un-dated work “Notes on Hotels of Frankford,” Mr. Hallowell writes that the “Seven Stars Hotel was on the northwest side of Frankford Avenue and on the east side of Oxford Avenue.  This hotel was originally a frame building, and was conducted for many years by Charles Lewis and was also used for many years as a voting place for the citizens of Oxford Township.  It was afterward supplanted by a three story rough cast building with a second story porch around three sides of the building, fronting on Frankford Avenue and Oxford Avenue (7).  Inconsistencies in the name of the road that intersected Frankford Avenue at the Seven Stars {Oxford Pike versus Oxford Avenue} could be attributed to the re-naming of the street.  However, the inconsistency in the construction of the “original” building, will require further research {two-and-a-half story stone building versus a frame building}.  Regardless of this, it seems that the hotel that appears in these photographs was erected sometime in the mid-nineteenth century.  “In the year 1858 it was entirely rebuilt by Albert Walton, who came into its possession at that time” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 15).

There appears to be some conflicting information about the Seven Stars after it was rebuilt.  In one article, Mr. Hallowell writes that “in 1868 the property was purchased by John O’Brien, the famous circus manager, and leased for a short period to Jacob Sackett” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 15).  In a different article Mr. Hallowell writes that “on January 1^st, 1866 Mr. Watson sold to Mr. O’Brien.  During the ownership of this property by Mr. O’Brien he erected a large two story brick building which was used for a livery stable and for the storage of his circus wagons.  Later part of the building was used in connection with the hotel for livery purposes and for storage of hay and straw for the farmers” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 7).  The dates that Mr. O’Brien purchased the property {1866 versus 1868}, and who he purchased it from {Albert Walton versus Mr. Watson}, will require further research.  The photograph that appears above is a fascinating image of the large stable area, the rear of the hotel and in the lower left hand corner, a horse and wagon “speeding” up present-day Oxford Avenue.

The mention of several inconsistencies in the history of the Seven Stars Hotel, should in no way diminish the fine work that Guernsey A. Hallowell did in documenting the history of Frankford, and the surrounding area.  Without the benefit of the internet, personal computer or recording device, Mr. Hallowell saved much of the history of this region, and those with an interest in history should be indebted to him for his efforts.

Rocks/Robin Hood Hotel/Cedar Hill Hotel

A hotel associated with stage travel.  The “Robin Hood Hotel was a two and a half story building on the north-west side of Frankford Avenue and the westerly side of Bustleton Avenue” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 7).  “In the early years it was called the Rocks, later Robin Hood Hotel and still later The Cedar Hill Hotel.  The horses, from the Philadelphia and New York Mail route stages were changed at the old Hostelry.  At that time Rocky Hill road was in very bad shape and needed a skillful driver to guide those horses down to the Hotel” (Lewis 1).

In her work, “The Story of Cedar Hill Hotel and Vicinity,” Harriet T. Lewis writes that “the Cedar Hill Hotel was built on part of the Dyre farm.  Mother told me Joseph Dyre built and kept the hotel” (1).  Prior to its final sale, the Cedar Hill Hotel had a number of different owners/operators.  The last owner was “John F. Kiggans, who in turn sold it to the Traction Company for $75,000 in 1903” (Lewis 1).  The Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company must have really wanted this property, because this seems to be a large sum of money for that time period.

“The Cedar Hill Hotel was removed to make way for the trolley barn in the Frankford section of Philadelphia, PA” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 15).  That same source writes that “in 1903 the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company acquired the property on the northwest side of Frankford Avenue, northeast of Pratt Street, and the largest brick car-barn in the world was erected there” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 74).  That would place the location of the Cedar Hill Hotel close to the termination point of the present day Market-Frankford Line.

Lafayette Tavern

No sources that were reviewed showed any connection to stage travel.  “The Lafayette Tavern was located on the northwest side of Frankford Avenue about 725 feet northeast of Cheltenham Avenue, on Rocky Hill, at one time called Tacony Hill.  It was a two and a half story lath and plaster building with a front porch and a sub-cellar in which the ale was kept and drawn from barrels.  It is said that Lafayette stopped here on his visit to Philadelphia in 1824 and from this circumstance it derived its name” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 9).

“It was a rendezvous for the old volunteer firemen, who gathered upon its porch.  It had a swinging sign which bore the inscription: –

In this hive; We’re all alive; Good liquor makes us merry; If you’re dry, step in and try; The flavor of our sherry.

J. U. Hackney

For many years Hackney kept this quaint ale and porter house, which in those days was one of the stopping places on the Bristol Pike” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 9).  Whether the Lafayette Tavern was a stage stop, or just a popular spot, is not clear.

The inscription on the sign is not unique to the Lafayette Tavern.  If the reader “googles” the phrase “in this hive we’re all alive,” a number of variations of the above verse are displayed that advertised other public houses in North America and overseas.

“The North Cedar Hill Cemetery Company secured this property with several others through Lewis F. Castor, in about 1910, when it was razed by the Cemetery Company and the ground added to the Cemetery (See Philadelphia Record of February 14^th, 1910)” (Hallowell, “Notes on Hotels of Frankford” 9).

  The Green Tree Hotel

A hotel associated with stage travel that “is located at 7944 Frankford Avenue in the Holmesburg section of Philadelphia, PA.” (“Holmesburg’s Existing Historic Places & Districts,” 4).  “The Green Tree Hotel was built in 1799 and was a stagecoach stop for coaches traveling between Philadelphia and New York” (“SW corner of Frankford Avenue at Rhawn Street The Green Tree Hotel…”).

A different source confirms the date of construction, and also provides the name of the first owner.  “Humphrey Waterman built the Green Tree Hotel in 1799 (Moore 6).  As of August, 2010 it was “still standing on the SW corner of Rhawn Street and Frankford Avenue” (Moore 6).

General Wayne Tavern

No sources that were reviewed showed any connection to stage travel.  “The General Wayne Tavern was located on the Frankford Bristol Turnpike above Holmesburg” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 13).  Additional information on the tavern’s location indicates that “it was a short distance beyond the ninth milestone” (Faris 295).

Holmes/Washington Inn

The Holmes, which was later known as the “Washington Inn was located on Frankford Avenue in the Holmesburg section of Philadelphia, PA” (Powers, “Tales of Old Taverns“ 206).  A different source records the name as the Washington Tavern (Moore 5).  The 1802 Carey Road Map of the route from Philadelphia to New York shows a Washington Tavern to the southwest of the Pennypack Creek, between the 9th and 10th mileposts (Moore 5).  No sources that were reviewed showed any connection to stage travel.

What would become the Holmes, and later Washington Inn began as a private home.   “In his will of 1773, John Holme III left his son Thomas the Box Grove Mansion.  For his son John he built a large house on the King’s Road.  After the war, Holme expanded it and turned it into an inn.  As shown on the 1789 New York to Philadelphia road map, the inn was simply known as Holmes in 1789.  Following the patriotic fervor of the times, Holme renamed it the Washington Tavern as noted on the 1802 Philadelphia to New York map” (Moore 5).  John Holme III was a member of a prominent family in the area, however he was  “no relation to Thomas Holme, William Penn’s Surveyor General” (Moore 3).

Although neither the date, nor the campaign are indicated, it is believed that General George Washington stayed on the property.  “The headquarters of Washington were, by desire of its worthy proprietor, established in this mansion, and continued at intervals during the operations within its immediate neighborhood.  At the close of the war the proprietor of this establishment converted it into a public house under the name of the Washington Inn, by which it has ever since been designated” (Powers, “Tales of Old Taverns“ 206).  This seems to contradict the previous information that suggests that that the name was changed from the Holmes Inn to the Washington Inn sometime between 1789 and 1802.

Tax records from 1798 lists the name of the inn as the “Sign of the Genl Washington,” and provides information on the size of the former private home.  “An entry on the 1798 Direct Tax List (the first Federal US tax after the Revolution), is revealing.  It denotes a structure as the “Sign of the Genl Washington on Bristol road on J. Holme’s land.”  It is occupied by Hump J. Waterman and owned by John Holme and is “Part new.  The whole in good repair – plain finished – a plain piazza in front – 2500 Dol(lars).”  It was a 99’ by 19’ two-story stone structure with 46 windows and 540 panes.  The 1798 tax was known as the “window pane tax.”  Taxes were partially levied on the number of window panes, which supposedly indicated the wealth of the owner.  (It was almost immediately repealed)” (Moore 6).

We get a glimpse of early nineteenth century advertising for the Washington Inn in this proclamation.

In 1816 the proprietor of the Washington Inn published the following announcement:

Ye good and virtuous Americans, come!  Whether business of pleasure be your object-Call and be refreshed at the sign of Washington.  Here Money and merit will secure your respect and honor and a hearty welcome to choice liquors and sumptuous fare.  Is it cold?  You shall find a comfortable fire.  Is it warm?  Sweet repose in a cool and grassy shade.  In short, every exertion will be made to grace the sign of the hero and statesman who was “First in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen.” (Faris 295)

The Red Lion

An inn associated with stage travel that was “located on Kings Highway (now Bristol Pike), The Red Lion was an important relay station for New York stage coaches from as early as 1726.  It is situated just across Poquessing creek from the city in Bucks County” (“At the Red Lion Inn”).  Although there are documented trips by public coaches on the King’s Highway as early as 1726, it doesn’t appear that there were any that went to New York as early as that year.

The Red Lion was one of the early public houses along the King’s Highway.  “In 1730 Philip Amos applied for a license to keep a public-house “near Poquessing Creek, on the highway from Philadelphia to Bristol.”  Seventeen years later, when a survey of the road was ordered, it was noted that the Widow Amos had succeeded in control of the Red Lion.  A tablet on the wall of the inn states that the delegates from Massachusetts to the first Continental Congress dined here on August 27, 1774” (Faris 299).

One of the members of the Massachusetts Delegation that stopped at the Red Lion was John Adams.

John Adams wrote to Timothy Pickering  about travelling to Philadelphia in 1774.

August 29. Monday. Rode to Trenton upon Delaware River, to breakfast.  We then crossed the Ferry over Delaware River to the Province of Pensylvania. We then rode across an Elbow, and came to the Delaware again—a beautifull River navigable up as far as Trenton. The Country on each Side is very level. We arrived at Bristol about Eleven O Clock, a Village on the Delaware, opposite to which is Burlington. The Scenes of Nature are delightfull here. This is 20 Miles from Philadelphia. Here We saw two or 3 Passage Waggons—a Vehicle with four Wheels contrived to carry many Passengers and much Baggage. We then rode to the Red Lion and dined. (Kyriakodis 4)

Although not specifically related to stagecoach travel, the following anecdote displays the hit or miss nature of dining at the Red Lion in particular, and public houses in general during this time.  “Captain Benjamin Laxley, of the Philadelphia artillery, once stopped here on his way to Amboy.  Having started from Frankford at 5 o’ clock in the morning, the men were hungry when they reached the inn at 9 o’clock.  A demand was made on the proprietor for breakfast, but he said that he did not have enough bread for five men; how then could he feed one hundred” (Faris 299-300).  Fortunately, it doesn’t seem as though John Adams and the Massachusetts Delegation had the same problem when stopping at the Red Lion to dine.

As previously mentioned, The Indian Queen in the center of Philadelphia was the origination point for some of those traveling to New York.  “Henry Wansey, an English traveler in 1794, started on his trip to New York from The Indian Queen, 15 south Fourth Street, at 3 A.M., and reached The Red Lion at sunrise”(Powers, “Tales of Old Taverns“ 208).  It is interesting to note the early hour that Wansey started his journey, and the time it took to reach the Red Lion.

STAGE TRAVEL

Throughout the years, stagecoaches took many forms and were known by many different names.  “Early coaches (the word comes from Kocs, a town in Hungary where the first such carriages were built) were decidedly short on comfort, largely because a seemingly obvious invention – the elliptical spring – occurred to no one before 1804 and didn’t become common on vehicles until much later” (Bryson 191).

As is evident from the following information, it is very difficult to clearly define the evolution of the vehicle that is most widely known as a stagecoach.  It seems that during the 18th and 19th centuries some owners were operating coaches that did not expose “inside” passengers to the elements, and could also accommodate those willing to travel on the “outside.”   Other owners were using stage wagons or Jersey wagons that were either open or partially covered.  It also seems possible that a single operator could have been using different types of vehicles on different routes, or even on the same route at different times.  As a result, the terminology, and even the spelling that was provided by the different sources has been maintained in an effort to accurately categorize the type of transport.

“The eighteenth-century chaise, a light and popular vehicle of the era, was a forerunner to the stagecoach.  The English chaise, introduced in the colonies between 1710 and 1730, became the Yankee “shay” after it was modified and simplified.  It was suspended on leather thorough braces and wooden cantilever springs” (Holmes 90).

The most commonly cited date for the beginning of stagecoach service over present-day Frankford Avenue is 1756, when stages began traveling between Philadelphia and New York.  However, “the first regular transportation line for passengers was established in 1725, by David Evans, who owned a four-wheeled chaise which, upon notice to the proprietor, ran from the Three Tuns Tavern, on Chestnut Street, between Second and Third Streets, to Germantown, Frankford, and Gray’s Ferry.  For four persons the fare to Frankford was 10s., and to Germantown 12s 6d.: to Gray’s Ferry, in the morning, 10s., in the afternoon, 7s 6d” (Joyce 108).  Although not operated on a regular schedule, as future stage lines would be, David Evans seems to be one of the first to recognize the importance of providing public transportation to various parts of the Philadelphia area.

As there are many future references to the cost of stage travel, it may be helpful to outline the nomenclature of the most frequently seen charges.  As previously cited, David Evans charged 10s to take four people to Frankford in 1725.  In colonial America, this equated to 10 shillings.  He charged 12s 6d to travel to Germantown.  This equated to 12 shillings, 6 pennies, or pence.  In subsequent years, stage lines would charge a fixed rate to transport a customer the entire length of the route (i.e. Philadelphia to New York), or charge on a per mile basis.  Milestones were necessary to calculate the per/mile charge for these shorter trips.

Evans may have been the first, but not the last to provide this type of service.  “At intervals through the next thirty years announcement was made of further ventures in transportation until it became possible to go all the way from Philadelphia to New York by stage wagons.  The first stage coach through from Philadelphia to New York began to run in 1756; the time required was three days” (Faris 285).  Stage wagons were the predecessors of the latter day stagecoach, and were described as having “benches and was covered over” (Hotchkin, The York Road, Old and New 24).

The year 1756 is important in the history of the King’s Highway and stage travel between the two largest cities in Colonial America.  “The New York stage line by Perth Amboy and Trenton was instituted in November, 1756, by John Butler, at the sign of the “Death of the Fox,” in Strawberry Alley, to arrive at New York in three days” (Hotchkin, The Bristol Pike 234).  This information is confirmed by a second source, and additional detail provided about the cost of the trip.  “The first through line of stages from Philadelphia to Baltimore and New York was established in 1756.  To the latter city John Butler was the proprietor, the distance requiring three days, and the fare twenty shillings, or three pence per mile” (Bean 129). In order to complete the trip to New York City from Philadelphia at this time it would have been necessary to cross the creeks and streams along the route by either ferry or bridge, and the Delaware River by ferry.  The final leg of the journey would have been made by boat from Perth Amboy, New Jersey to New York City.

John Butler’s stage business continued until at least 1759.  Additional detail can be found in the following advertisement:

The Pennsylvania Journal of May 24, 1759, contained the following advertisement: Philadelphia stage waggon and New York stage boats performs their stages twice a week.  John Butler with his waggon sets out on Mondays from his House at the Sign of the Death of the Fox, in Strawberry ally, and drives the same day to Trenton ferry, when Francis Holman meets him and proceeds on Tuesday to Brunswick, and the passengers and goods being shifted into the waggon of Isaac Fitzrandolph, he takes them to the New Blazing Star to Jacob Fitzrandolph’s the same day, where Rubin Fitzrandolph with a boat well fitted will receive them and take them to New York that night, John Butler returning to Philadelphia on Tuesday with the passengers and goods delivered to him by Francis Holman, will again set out for Trenton Ferry on Thursday and Francis Holman &c., will carry his passengers and goods with the same expedition as above to New York.  It is not quite clear how many days the traveler was in the care of the various members of the Fitzrandolph family, but it seems to have been two, and it took three days to reach New York by this expeditious and variegated route. (Powers, “Tales of Old Taverns“ 199-200)

“In the year 1765, there was a second stage line established for New York to run semi-weekly, going through in three days, with a fare of “two pence a mile.  It was a covered Jersey wagon without springs, and had four owners concerned”” (Hotckin, The Bristol Pike 234).  Unfortunately, the owners of this line are not identified, however, the type of vehicle is identified as a Jersey wagon.  “In Robert Sutcliff’s book Travels in Some Parts of North America in the Years 1804, 1805 and 1806 he describes open wagons that are called Jersey Wagons.  They are made very light, hung on springs with leather braces, and travel very pleasantly” (Holmes 97).  The term “open wagon” is not clear.  It could refer to a wagon without a top or a wagon with a top, but with minimal or no cover at the sides and back.  It seems reasonable that the wagon described by Sutcliff in the early 1800’s would provide more comfort to the traveler than the same type of wagon in 1765.  The presence of springs on the later version of the Jersey Wagon would have certainly made the trip more bearable for the occupants and driver.

In his work South Jersey: A History: 1664 – 1924: Volume II, Alfred M. Heston conveys a much different opinion of the Jersey wagon.  “Of all the wheeled vehicles, the greatest atrocity was the Jersey wagon.  It seemed to have been designed by the Shakers in protest of every semblance of comfort.  Its back and sides were as free from graceful curves as a ready made coffin.  It had springs, but they were cumbersome contrivances of unyielding wood, so constructed as to make riding a weariness to the flesh.  The horses were urged to a jog-trot by the driver with repeated blows of a whip, which was generally so worn out as to be destitute of a lash.  The more robust passengers, on arriving at their destination, were able to climb out of the wagon, but the feebler ones and invalids had to lifted out” (718).  Unfortunately, where and when this “ready made coffin” traveled was not mentioned.

“”In 1766, there was a third line called modestly “The Flying Machine,” to beat its rivals by going to New York in two days, starting from Elm Street, near Vine, owned by John Barnhill.  “They were to be “good stage wagons and the seats on springs.”  Fare three pence per mile, or twenty shillings for the whole route.”  In winter the Flying Machine was to take three days” (Hotchkin, The Bristol Pike 234).  A different source suggests that Barnhill’s “Flying Machine” began operating a year earlier.  “In 1765 John Barnhill was proprietor of a line of stages known as the “Flying Machine,” which was advertised to make the trip to New York in two days during the summer” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).

A third source confirms the 1766 date, touches on the added comfort accorded by the addition of springs under the seats and the rationale for labeling this service “flying machine.”  “In 1766 another line of “stage wagons” had been put on between this city {Philadelphia} and New York, making the trip in two days-in summer-and having springs under their seats.  The great speed and ease of motion of these vehicles led them to be known as “flying machines”” (Powers, “Tales of Old Taverns“ 208).

A fourth source provides more detailed information on John Barnhill’s enterprise, and provides additional confirmation that the service started in 1766.  “The next effort is to shorten the journey to two days.  On Feb. 13, 1766, John Barnhill and John Masherew (Mersereau) gave notice to the public “that the stage waggon kept by John Barnhill in Elm st., near Vine st., Philadelphia, and John Masherew at the Blazing Star, New York, intend to perform the journey from Philadelphia to New York in two days, and from there to Philadelphia also, commencing the 14^th day of April, next, and to continue seven months, viz., to the 14^th of November”” (Benedict 113).  Unfortunately, none of the four sources indicates whether the starting point in Philadelphia was a public house, early stage office or just a location close to the intersection of Elm Street and Vine Street.

The term “Blazing Star” in the previous paragraph seems to imply that this was a public house in New York City, however, a different source indicates that it was the name of the ferry that crossed the Delaware at Trenton, New Jersey.  In referring to the “flying machines,” it is suggested that “they struck the Delaware at the Blazing Star ferry, a short distance above Trenton bridge, where the old ferry-houses are still standing. This ferry was the thoroughfare down to the building of the Trenton bridge in 1805” (Davis 750).  Additional research will be required to determine if there is a link between the public house and ferry, or if some part of the information is incorrect.

Additional details on the “flying machine” follows.  “They purpose to set out from Philadelphia to New York on Mondays and Thursdays, as they now do, punctually at sunrise, and change their passengers at Princetown and return to Philadelphia and New York the following days.  The price was to be 10s. to Princeton, and 10s. to Powles’ Hook with ferriage free, and 3d. each mile any distance between.  This also brought Princeton into prominence as the half-way house.  The stages in this advertisement are designated “flying machines” (Benedict 113).  Powles’ Hook is also known as Paulus Hook, and is located in Jersey City, New Jersey.  Traveling by stage wagon to Powles’ Hook, which is located northeast of Perth Amboy and closer to New York City, would have required a much longer and more arduous land journey than to Perth Amboy, however, the dangerous water crossing would have been significantly shortened.

It is difficult to be certain whether the New York “Post Boy” was referring to Barnhill and Masherew’s “flying machines,” however, the following advertisement or article provides some insight on eighteenth century travel planning and the growing importance of Princeton as a stopping point.  “The New York “Post Boy” of May 9, 1768, calls attention to the fact that, with two wagons and four sets of horses, persons might then go from New York to Philadelphia and back in five days, and remain two nights and one day in Philadelphia.  The stage wagon would be put up at the Hudibras Tavern in Princeton, kept by Jacob Hyer” (Benedict 113).  The New York Post Boy was a weekly newspaper published in New York City.

Up to this point, it has been assumed that the route between Philadelphia and New York has been over the King’s Highway, however, that is about to change.  “We now have still another new route, in an effort to reduce the number of ferries.  A lengthy notice of Sept. 25, 1769, signed by Joseph Crane and Josiah F. Davenport, gives a route over the Old York road, “through the finest, most pleasant and best inhabited part of New Jersey,” viz., by way of Powles’ Hook, Newark, Elizabeth Town, Bound Brook, and so onto Ringoes, Lambertville and Philadelphia, where the end of the line was at the “Sign of the Bunch of Grapes” in Third street.  The exchange of passengers was at Obadiah Taylor’s at the “South Branch of the Raritan” (Benedict 113-114).  Unfortunately, what is meant by “the exchange of passengers” is not recorded.  It could have meant that the passengers were moved from a boat to a stage, or from a stage operated by one owner to another.  The effort that went into establishing a new route that minimized the number of ferry crossings showcases the danger and delays that occurred during these crossings.

Much of the following information related to stage travel before, during and immediately after the Revolutionary War comes from William H. Benedict’s work, “Travel Across New Jersey in the Eighteenth Century and Later.”  Mr. Benedict provides information on the towns and areas the stages traveled through in New Jersey, but does not always provide the same amount of detail for Pennsylvania.  As a result, it can be assumed with relative certainty that travel was over the King’s Highway through Philadelphia if Mr. Benedict’s information references Bristol.

The mention of the towns of Trenton and Bristol indicate that this route was over the King’s Highway.  “On May 28, 1770, Abraham Skillman gives notice that he will take passengers through to Philadelphia, via Powles’ Hook, Newark, Elizabeth Town, Woodbridge, Brunswick, Princetown, Trenton and Bristol, in two days for 20s. or 3d per mile to any distance.  He will keep two sets of horses but will drive the same wagon through himself.  He limits his load to eight passengers” (Benedict 114).  This is one of the earliest references to limiting the number of passengers.  The amount of baggage allowed is not specified.

Since it has already been noted that the partnership of Masherew and Barnhill operated their stages over the King’s Highway in 1766, it can be assumed that they still followed this route when they published the following advertisement.  “On Jan. 14, 1771, J. Masherew (Mersereau) and J. Barnhill again remind the public that they continue to run their stages.  Now competition really becomes keen.  Abraham Skillman, though only one year in the business, dubs his stage a “Flying Machine,” and gives notice that it will leave Powles’ Hook Tuesday morning and be in Philadelphia Wednesday at 12 noon, starting at 5:00 A. M. and making the trip in one day and a half.  John Mercereau follows Skillman and gives notice that his “Flying Machine” will also perform the journey in a day and a half, and make three trips a week in summer and two trips a week in winter.  This is the quickest time made as yet and will not be equaled for many years to come” (Benedict 114).  The service started by Abraham Skillman in 1770 traveled through Bristol and Trenton, so it is reasonable to believe that the “Flying Machine” he introduced in 1771 took the same route.  The existence of two different ventures, both calling their stages “Flying Machines,” probably caused the traveling public a great deal of confusion.

The mention of the towns of Trenton and Bristol indicate that this route was over the King’s Highway.  “On July 23, 1772, a Philadelphia stage coach, from the “Indian Queen,” by way of Bristol, Trenton, Brunswick, Elizabeth and Newark (fare 30s) will leave each Friday and go through in two days, with four good horses, and will accommodate eight passengers.  This notice is by Joseph Hart.  Here we have the use of the word “coach” for the first time; it has been “waggon,” “stage waggon,” “stage,” “flying machine,” and now “coach.”  This is a revival of the Newark and post road route” (Benedict 114).  Unfortunately, there is no additional detail on the phrase “Newark and post road route.”  This is the first time that Joseph Hart’s name is used.

Competition continues to increase with the introduction of anther new stage operator, Charles “Bessonet” and Co.  Unfortunately, the route he took to New York is not specified, however, since “Bessonet” took over the line from Joseph Hart, it is supposed that it ran on the King’s Highway.  “The Philadelphia and New York stage coaches from “Indian Queen” begin Apr. 13, 1773, and exchange at Princeton, making the trip in two day; fare $4.00; but instead of Joseph Hart, they are now operated by Charles “Bessonet” and Co.  In Jan., 1774, Joseph Hart is again operating this line on the same schedule; baggage now limited to 14 lbs.  In June, 1774, John Masherew has dropped back to two days, starting now from the Cross Keys, Philadelphia and exchanging at Princeton.  The day and a half was too much for him.  But Abraham Skillman continued the day and a half schedule, leaving now Arch and Second Sts. and going by Newark as before” (Benedict 115).  It is not known whether the starting point in Philadelphia was a public house, early stage office or just a location close to the intersection of Arch and Second Streets.  This is the first mention of limitations on the amount of baggage that could be carried, however, whether 14 lbs. is the total amount per stage, or per person is not clear.

What follows is some additional information on Charles Bessonett, and his stage business. “In 1773 Charles Bessonett, a resident of Bristol, started a line of stage-coaches, the first of their character to run through from Philadelphia to New York; the trip was made in two days, and the fare was $4 for inside, and 20 shillings for outside, passengers. These stages were probably made like the English post-coaches” (Davis 750-751).  These vehicles “may have been more luxuriously appointed, or language may have been growing ornate, for they were called “stage coaches”” (Powers, “Tales of Old Taverns“ 208).  The $4 fare is consistent with previously provided information, however there is some additional information that is worth noting.  This is one of the first times that the term stagecoach was used, versus stage wagon.  In addition, this is the earliest mention of stages along this route carrying outside passengers.  These outside passengers would have ridden on the roof of the stage, or in the seat next to the driver.  Up until 1773, and for many years afterwards, it has been assumed that the mode of transport was a stage wagon or Jersey Wagon, that had either soft overhead covers, or no cover at all, and could not carry outside passengers.  The English post-coach that Mr. Davis mentions is close to what we think of when we think of a stagecoach.  That such a vehicle was in use in 1773 is noteworthy, and will require additional research.

In his work, For a Greater Frankford.  Historical and Industrial Celebration.  October twenty-seventh. to November second nineteen-hundred-and-twelve, Guernsey A. Hallowell lists Bessonet’s first name as John, and provides a different spelling of his last name.  “In 1773 John Bessonet & Co. established a line of stages from Philadelphia to New York, making the trip in two days” (73).  It seems that someone by the last name of Bessonet or Bessonett started a stage line in 1773 that took two days to travel from Philadelphia to New York, however, there is some question as to whether his first name was Charles or John.

In addition to confusion over Bessonet’s first name, a different source shows a third and fourth spelling of his last name.  Mr. Powers, in his work Tales of Old Taverns also provides information that in addition to staging, Bessonette, or Benezet was also proprietor of the Delaware tavern or hotel that was located at the ferry landing in Bristol, Pennsylvania.  “Charles Bessonette, or Benezet, proprietor of the house, started a line of stage coaches in 1773, the first to run through from Philadelphia to New York, or rather to Paulus Hook, or Jersey City.  The trip was made in two days, and the fare was four dollars for inside and twenty shillings for outside passengers” (208).

Stage ownership and/or operations continued to shift among the previously mentioned proprietors.  Because it has previously been noted that all these gentlemen operated their stages over the King’s Highway, it is reasonable to believe that this new service did as well.  “In Sept., 1774, the Philadelphia and New York stage wagon from Cross Keys, Philadelphia, exchanges at Princeton; fare 20s.; trip two days; and is again advertised by Charles Bessonett.  Apparently the “Bessonett & Co.” is composed of Bessonett & Hart” (Benedict 115).

“We are now at the end of the pre-Revolutionary stage coach days.  The war is upon us” (Benedict 115).  “There was an effort, however, on the part of others to keep communications and a semblance of transportation open through New Jersey” (Benedict 116).  It is interesting to note, that in the case of travel between Philadelphia and New York,  it was necessary to gain the approval of the British forces occupying that area for the service to continue.  “In March 31, 1777, there is this notice of a ferry between New York and Amboy, under the auspices of the British:

“The Subscriber, having permission from their Excellencies , the Commanders-in-Chief, to establish a stage boat from this city (New York) to Perth Amboy, has engaged for that purpose a very commodious vessel and proposes sailing from New York every Monday and Thursday”” (Benedict 115).

Although the route is not specified, and may not be over the King’s Highway through Philadelphia, it is important to see how travel was affected by the war.

Towards the end of the war, a new service begins.  In the Fall of 1780, a “stage wagon {runs} from Cross Keys Tavern, 3^rd and Chestnut, Philadelphia, to Trenton on Tuesdays, and return Wednesdays.  This by Jonathan Scholfield” (Benedict 116).  This is the first mention of Jonathan Scholfield.

After the Revolutionary War ended, stage traffic increased throughout the former colonies and new operators joined the competition.  “Johnson & Grummond now run this line via Bristol; dine at Princeton; Brunswick that night; Elizabethtown next day.  This was in April 1782 and the fare was 35s” (Benedict 117).  During this period present-day Elizabeth, NJ was known as Elizabethtown, NJ.

In his 1917 book Old Roads out of Philadelphia, John T. Faris provides a detailed description of one of the “flying machines” of the time, and the unfortunate fate of some of the horses that were made to pull them.  Although the route is not specifically identified as the King’s Highway, the information is contained in a chapter titled “To Bristol and Trenton,” and contains a great deal of information on places of interest along the King’s Highway in Philadelphia, Frankford, Holmesburg, etc.  “In 1783 Johann Schoepf wrote:  A diligence known as the Flying Machine makes daily trips between Philadelphia and New York, covering the distance of ninety miles in one day, even in the hottest weather, but at the expense of the horses, only three times changed in the journey.  Thus the last trip two horses died in harness, and four others were jaded.  These flying machines are in reality only large wooden carts with tops, light to be sure, but neither convenient or of neat appearance.  They carry from ten to twelve passengers, are drawn by four horses only, and go very fast.  The charge for the journey is 5-6 Spanish dollars the passenger” (286).  The term jaded indicates that a horse was no longer able work at its assigned task.  The Spanish dollar was recognized as currency in Colonial America, and for a period thereafter.

A great resource for information on specific starting points and departure times for stage travel in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were city directories.  Part phone book, and part almanac, these directories gave an alphabetic listing of residents by last name, first name, occupation and address.  Most of the individuals listed were male, and were involved in some type of business (blacksmith, shopkeeper, etc.), although some men were just listed as “gentleman.”  Some women appear in the directories, and it appears that some owned boarding houses or were listed as innkeepers.  A few women were listed as widows.

Some of the information that appeared in city directories, that would later appear in almanacs includes the location of post offices, weights and measures, etc.

Much of the following detail comes from directories that appear on the Greater Philadelphia GeoHistory Network website (www.philageohistory.org).  It appears that this excellent website contains copies of Philadelphia city directories that were published almost yearly, starting in 1785, and continuing into the late 1860’s.  It seems strange that some directories contained a great deal of information on stage routes, others listed a few routes, and some did not contain any stage information at all.  Every directory, starting in 1785, and continuing to the early 1830’s, that appears on the Greater Philadelphia GeoHistory Network website was reviewed, however, at this time, only those containing new information on routes or public houses will be included.

The methodology used for listing departure points for some of the stages is confusing.  Some of the listings provide the name of the public house, along with its address {i.e. “James Thompson’s, at the Indian Queen, 15, So. Fourth St.” in the 1793 directory, “New York Post Coach leaves Judd’s Hotel 27 S. Third street” in the 1818 directory}.  Other listings only contain the name of the public house {i.e. two different New York stages leave from the George Tavern in the 1803 directory}.  The prior two types of listings are relatively straightforward when compared with the third type of listing.  This listing displays the name of the public house, followed by a comma, then a street address.  An example of this appears in the 1803 directory.  The listing shows that the Frankford stage leaves from the “Buck Inn, 130 N. Second.”  In the earlier section of this work titled PUBLIC HOUSES, it was shown that in many cases there is strong evidence that the public house was located at the address that appeared immediately after the name.  However, to the modern eye, a listing in this format still seems confusing!  Was the Buck Inn a seperate departure point from 130 North Second Street, or was the Buck Inn located there?

How travelers got information on departure times and locations during those years when no stage listings appeared, will require further research.

Information from some directories, and other sources from the early 1800’s to the 1830’s on the number of stage lines that operated to New York and to local communities is sometimes contradictory.  As an example, four stage lines to New York are listed in Paxton’s 1813 directory.  A different source states that in the same year fourteen different lines were travelling between the two cities.  One possible explanation could be that not all stage companies appeared in the directories that were surveyed.  Further research will be necessary to determine the reason for these discrepancies.

The Philadelphia Directory by Francis White {1785}

One of the earliest Philadelphia city directories was printed in 1785, and in addition to alphabetic listings of residents, included stage schedules.  This directory shows that a stage “sets out every morning at 4 o’clock for New York from Francis Lee’s, at the Indian Queen, and from Mrs. Paul’s, at the Indian King; others return the same day” (White 97).

Whether this was one stage that picked up passengers at one location, then the other, or whether a stage left from each house at 4:00 AM is not clear.  With the increase in travel after the Revolution, it seems strange that only one, or two stages to New York would be listed in this directory.  It is possible that stage owners paid to have their businesses listed, and that those who advertised in other ways did not appear, or had their businesses listed in other directories.

There is no indication of the route this stage took to get to New York.  Directories published in later years listed a number of stage lines to New York City.  Those that used the York Road listed towns that were along that route, or advertised that the trip would be “through a pleasant country.”  It seems safe to assume that those stage lines that were listed without any indication of the route, or stopping places, would be travelling on the King’s Highway, and later, the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike.

The Philadelphia Directory and Register by James Hardie, A. M. {1793}

The following information appeared in the 1793 edition of The Philadelphia Directory and Register:

There are at present four stages ply between this city and New-York, two of which set off at three o’clock in the morning, and arrive at New York that evening; the one, from James Thompson’s, at the Indian Queen, 15, So. Fourth St. the other, from the city tavern, 86, So. Second St.  A stage sets off from the George tavern, corner of Second and Mulberry Sts. precisely at half past 8 o’clock in the morning, and on Saturday at 6 o’clock, and arrives at New-York the succeeding day by 1 o’clock.  The mail-stage sets off at 1 o’clock, P.M. from Mr. Anderson’s, at the sign of the sorrel horse, 39, No. Second St. and carries only four passengers, and arrives at New-York in 21 hours after its departure.  The fare for each passenger in these stages, is four dollars, and four pence per mile for way passengers (Hardie 214).

What follows is a rare first person account of a journey between New York City and Philadelphia that appeared in Charles William Jansen’s book, The Stranger in America, that was published in 1807.  Although Mr. Jansen does not specify when he made the trip, a different source indicates that it was in 1793.  “1793.  Charles William Jansen made the trip from New York to Philadelphia, crossing at Polwes’ Hook ferry to “Paulus Hook;” then the stages had the horses hitched to them and were all ready to leave, the stages being literally a kind of light wagon holding 12 (three on a seat), but only the rear seat with anything to rest the back against to arrive at Trenton, 66 miles, late in the day, and leaving at 6 next morning, arriving in Philadelphia at 2 in the afternoon” (Benedict 117).

Journeying towards the south {from New York City}, the traveler may proceed to Philadelphia by the stage-waggon, or by Amboy, which is chiefly performed by water-carriage, at much less expense.  I took a place in the waggon, wishing to see the Jerseys.  I was directed to the coach-office in the Broadway, in New York, where I paid the full fare, five dollars, and was desired to attend at nine the next morning, with my luggage.  I did so, and found other passengers waiting; when, to my infinite astonishment, we were directed to cross the water at the confluence of the East and Hudson, or North Rivers, which appears nearly a league broad, and we were informed that we should find the stage on the other side, at Paulu’s Hook, in the state of New Jersey; and to add to this imposition, we each paid our own ferryage.  Thus, though the stranger pays for his place from New York to Philadelphia, he, in fact, is carried only from Paulu’s Hook to the latter city. (170)

Having been safely ferried over to Paulu’s Hook, a miserable place, supported by travellers, all the New York stages and horses for proceeding towards the southern states being kept there, we saw a number of waggons with horses yoked ready to depart; and groups of passengers assembled, forming a truly curious scene.  I now mounted, for the first time, an American stage, literally a kind of light waggon.  While I attempt to describe this clumsy and uncomfortable machine, I cannot suppress the wish of being possessed of one of them, with the horses, harness, and driver, just as we set off in order to convert them into an exhibition in London.  In order to aid my pen in this arduous task, I have given a correct representation of one of them in the view of the Main Street, in Philadelphia, to which I refer the reader. (171)

This vehicle, which is of the same construction throughout the country, is calculated to hold twelve persons, who all sit on benches placed across, with their faces towards the horses.  The front seat also holds three, one of whom is the driver, and as there are no doors at the sides, the passengers get in over the front wheels, and take their seats as they enter; the first, of course, get seats behind the rest.  This is the most esteemed seat, because you can rest your shaken frame against the back part of the waggon.  Women are therefore generally indulged with it, and it is often laughable to see them crawling to their seats; and if they happen to be late, they have to straddle over the men who are seated farther in front.  It is covered with leather, and instead of windows, there are flaps of that article, which in bad weather are let down, and secured by buckles and straps.  In summer these flaps are folded up, and this is some alleviation from the repeated shocks you receive in going over roads, many of which are never repaired, and stumps of trees left unrooted for time to consume, which yet impede your progress even in the much-frequented road between the two largest cities in the United States.  Several miles immediately before you enter Trenton, the road is so very bad in some places, that the driver, with whom I chose to sit, the better to view the country, told me, that the last time he passed, his horses stalled, that is, they were for some time unable to drag the waggon through the worst places.  He also said, that the road there had not been repaired in his memory, and he did not cease cursing and swearing until we entered the city of Trenton, which was late in the evening, a distance of sixty-six miles.  This day’s journey was rendered more disagreeable by a heavy rain falling in the very worst part of the road, and being myself, as I have already observed, in front, I was wet to the skin, which threw me into a fever om my arrival in Philadelphia.  Those seated farther back were in a situation not much better; the leather sides being an indifferent shelter. (171-172)

After supper, having dried my clothes, still on my back, I wished to retire to rest, as the waggon was to proceed no further that night; but the old soldier {a fellow traveler on the Stage waggon} detained me till a late hour, and long after all the other passengers had retired. (173)

On the next day I sensibly felt the ill effects of my journey.  We set off at six in the morning, and were conveyed to the Franklin’s Head, in North Second Street, Philadelphia, at two; having come thirty miles, making together ninety-six miles from New York.  I found accommodation at a private boarding-house, where I remained an invalid for a fortnight. (175)

Because of the lack of detail of the journey from Trenton to Philadelphia, it is impossible to say for certain that Mr. Jansen traveled over present-day Frankford Avenue.  However, his detailed descriptions of other aspects of the trip, that would have been common to travelers using that route, require that his narrative be included.  One of the more interesting parts of his story concerns his ability to reserve a space on the Stage waggon on the day before his trip and the mention of a coach-office where he made his reservation.  Whether the coach-office had some connection to a public house is not mentioned.

Mr. Jansen’s journey ended at the Franklin’s Head, on North Second Street.  It is curious that the Franklin’s Head public house does not appear as a departure point in the stage section of Mr. Hardie’s 1793 directory.  Possible explanations are that Mr. Jansen’s trip did not take place in 1793, or that stages did not end their journeys at the same locations where they started from.  Another explanation, as was previously mentioned, is that not all stage companies appeared in these directories.

Stephen’s Philadelphia Directory For 1796

The following information appeared in Thomas Stephen’s Philadelphia Directory for 1796.

“Four ply between this city and New York; one sets off every morning at four o’clock, from the corner of Second and Arch Streets: One from No. 99, North Second Street, every morning at five: One from the Indian Queen No. 15 South Fourth Street, every morning at six, and the other from No. 59, North Second Street, every morning at 8 o’clock” (Stephens 59).

It is interesting that only one of the four stages listed above originate at a public house.  Unfortunately, the notice does not mention whether the other addresses are stage offices or just commonly-known locations in the city.

The Philadelphia Directory For 1799

William Stafford’s 1799 directory does not provide the reader with any stage information, however there is detailed information on the pick-up and delivery of mail from various east coast cities and towns.  Although mail was also carried by post rider and packet boat, it seems safe to assume that by 1799 a large quantity was carried by stage, because fourteen years earlier “in 1785, Congress voted to employ stagecoaches to carry the mail on established stage routes” (Holmes 94).  Assuming some of this mail was transported by stage, and in the absence of a stage schedule, an experienced traveler may have been able to use the following information to make rudimentary travel plans.

The Eastern Mail

Will be closed on Mondays, Tuesdays, Wednesdays, Thursdays, Fridays, and Saturdays, at noon: and arrive at Philadelphia, on Tuesdays, Wednesdays, Thursdays, Fridays, Saturdays, and Mondays, at 8 o’clock A.M.

The mail for the post-towns on the main line east of New-York, as far as Boston, will be closed every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, with the eastern mail, and return with the same every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday.  A mail for new Haven and Boston will be closed every day (Sunday excepted) at noon.  (Stafford 62).

As the nineteenth century dawned, stagecoach travel continued to increase.  The Traveller’s Directory, which was published in 1802, provided maps of, and highlights along the “main road” from Philadelphia to New York and Philadelphia to Washington.  Although the following passage primarily describes a ferry crossing, possibly over the Delaware River, it does show that by this time there were five stages making the trip on a daily basis.  “The Traveller’s Directory gave a better account of the crossing.  Although this was used every day by five four-horse stages between Philadelphia and New York, “besides a great number of private carriages, chaises, horses, &c,” the ferry boats made the trip “with the greatest safety from shore to shore, by means of poles, &c.” ” (Faris 315-316).

The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803

James Robinson’s 1803 directory provides a great deal of information on “Land Stages” and “Water Stages and Packets.”  Information on those New York bound “land stages;” the majority of which used the newly incorporated Frankford and Bristol Turnpike, and local “land stages;” which probably used a portion of that same route follows:

The Bustletown Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from the Federal Procession.  It ran every day (Sundays excepted), starting at 8 o’clock A. M. & 6 o’clock A. M.

The Frankford Stage [d] – This was an un-named stage, that started from the Buck Inn, 130 N. Second Street.  It ran daily, starting at 9 o’clock A. M. and at 6 P. M.

The Harrowgate Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from the White Swan, 106 Race.  It ran “as passengers offer.”

A New York Stage – This was the U. S. Mail stage, that started from 98 High Street {Market Street}.  It ran daily starting at 7 o’clock A. M.

A New York Stage [h] – This was the Commercial stage line, that started from the George Tavern.  It ran daily (Sundays excepted), starting at 2 o’clock A. M. and 8 o’clock A. M.

A New York Stage – This was the Federal Line stage line, that started from the Indian Queen.  It ran daily (Sundays excepted), starting at 2 o’clock A. M. and 8 o’clock A. M.

A New York Stage [i] – This was the New Line stage line, that started from the Franklin Inn, 59 N. Second Street.  It ran every day starting at 2 o’clock A. M.

A New York Stage – This was the Diligence stage line, that started from the George Tavern.  It ran daily (Sundays excepted), starting at 8 o’clock A. M.

A New York Stage – This was the *Swiftsure stage line, that started at 50 N. Fourth Street.  It ran daily (Sundays excepted), starting at 8 o’clock A. M.

In the earlier section on Public Houses, it was shown that there was a strong possibility that the Green Tree Inn was located at 50 North Fourth Street.  This listing differs from most others in that it only lists the address, and not the name of the public house associated with that address.

The Trenton Stage [k] – This was an un-named stage, that started from Carpenter’s Inn, 82 N. Front Street.  It ran every day (Monday excepted), starting at 7 o’clock       A. M.

 TIME OF DEPARTURE FOR THE WINTER SEASON

[d] 10 & 4 o’clock – [h]  10 o’clock A. M. – [i]  10 A. M. – [k]  8 o’clock A. M.

*  Way Passengers are accommodated by this Line, to Scotchplains, Springfield, Somerset, Jenkintown, Cross-Roads, Crooked-Billet and Coryell’s Ferry.

N. B. Passengers are taken in the New-York Stages, to Bristol, New Brunswick, Woodbridge, Rahway, Elizabethtown & New-Ark.

(Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803” 287).

There are a number of interesting items to note in this directory.  Some of which also raise questions that will require further research.  One is the asterisk footnote that is associated with the Swiftsure line.  Scotchplains, Springfield and Somerset are towns located in New Jersey.  Jenkintown, Cross-Roads, Crooked-Billet {Hatboro} and Coryell’s Ferry {New Hope} are located in Pennsylvania.  All the towns, in both states, are located along present-day Old York Road, which seems to indicate that at this time the Swiftsure line travelled on the Old York Road to reach New York.

Since this directory was meant to provide information to visitors to, and citizens of Philadelphia, it can be inferred that the notation that begins “N. B. Passengers” means that northbound passengers on the New-York Stages will be travelling on the traditional King’s Highway/Frankford and Bristol Turnpike route to New York, and passing through the aforementioned towns.

With the exception of the local service to Bustletown, Frankford, Harrowgate and Trenton, the names of the stage lines serving New York appear in this directory.

An additional item of interest is the 2:00 AM departure times for some of the lines.  In the close-quarters of an early nineteenth century public house, a 1:00 AM “wake-up call,” must have caused quite an uproar among both employees and other guests.  Another question that arises out of these early starting times relates to tollhouses.  Earlier in this work, sources indicated that tollgates were closed around 11:00 each night, and depending on the day, were not opened again until either 2:00 or 4:00 in the morning.  It will be interesting to discover what occurred when either an early departing, or late arriving stage arrived at a tollgate, and the gate-keeper was not on duty to collect the toll and open the gate.

The 1803 directory is one of the earliest to provide the reader with different departure times in the winter on certain lines.  Because the roads were so poor, these changes may have been put into effect to minimize travel in the dark.  Unfortunately, the directory does not show when the “winter season” schedule began and ended.

The Philadelphia Directory for 1804

One of the most noteworthy features of Mr. Robinson’s 1804 directory is that there are no listings for Land And Water Stages anywhere in the book.

The Philadelphia Directory for 1805

Additional eastern seaboard destinations appear in Mr. Robinson’s 1805 directory.  Sometime between 1803 and 1805, a new stage line was added that traveled to Holmesberg over the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike.

The Bustletown Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from 130 North Second Street.  It ran every day (Sundays excepted), starting at 6 A. M.

The Frankford Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from 84 and 130 N. Second Street.  It ran daily, starting at 9 A. M. and at 6 P. M.

The Harrowgate Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from the White Swan.  It ran every day “as passengers offer.”

The Holmesberg Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from 84 N. Second Street.  It ran daily, starting at 5 P. M.

A New York Stage – This was the U. S. Mail stage, that started from Hardy’s Inn.  It ran daily (Sundays excepted) starting at noon.

A New York Stage – This was the Commercial stage line, that started from the George Inn.  It ran daily (Sundays excepted), starting at 2 A. M.

A New York Stage – This was the Federal Line stage line, that started from the Indian Queen.  It ran daily (Sundays excepted), starting at 8 A. M.

A New York Stage – This was the New Line Industry stage line, that started from the George Inn and 50 N. Fourth Street.  It ran every day starting at 7 A. M.

A New York Stage – This was the Diligence stage line, that started from the George Inn.  It ran daily (Sundays excepted), starting at 8 A. M.

A New York Stage – This was the Swiftsure stage line, that started at 18 N. Fourth Street.  It ran daily (Sundays excepted), starting at 8 A. M.

The Trenton Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from 84 N. Front Street.  It ran daily (Monday excepted) starting at 7 A. M.

(Robinson, “The Philadelphia Directory For 1805” lxvi-lxvii).

Different winter departure times for some of the stages no longer appear in this directory.  It is not clear whether there were different starting times, and they were not listed, or if the times remained the same throughout the year.

Unlike the 1803 directory, there are no footnotes to indicate whether the Swiftsure line was still traveling to New York via the Old York Road, or using the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike.  It is possible that after using the Old York Road for a couple of years, it was common knowledge that this was the route this stage line used.

It appears that Sunday service is beginning on one of the lines to New York, and on a couple of the local lines.  The timetable for the New York New Line Industry, and the local lines to Frankford, Holmesberg and Trenton no longer indicate “Sundays excepted.”  Local service to Trenton does not run on Mondays.

The New York bound New Line Industry and the stages terminating in Frankford offer two different departure points close to the center of Philadelphia.

“Soon after opening the bridge over the Delaware River at Trenton, on February 1, 1806, four new lines of stages were started from Philadelphia to New York, which proceeded the entire distance without change.  These lines, which ran daily (except Sunday), passing through Frankford, were the “Diligence,” at 8 A. M.; the “Industry,” at 9 A. M.; the “Mail Pilot,” at 10 A. M., and the “Mail” at noon.  The last carried only six passengers” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).  Much of Mr. Hallowell’s information from the early months of 1806 that appears immediately above is consistent with the information from Mr. Robinson’s 1805 directory, with a couple of minor exceptions.  Per the 1805 directory, the New Line Industry stage started at 7:00 AM, and operated seven days a week.  Mr. Hallowell indicates that in February 1806 the “Industry” started at 9 AM, and operated Monday through Saturday.  Schedule changes between 1805 and 1806 could account for these minor differences.  Mr. Hallowell equates the opening of the Delaware River bridge in 1806 with the establishment of new service, however, a couple of the lines already appeared in the 1803 directory {Diligence and U. S. Mail}.

Even with these minor inconsistencies, Mr. Hallowell does present some new information about stage travel in the early 1800’s that does not appear in the various directories or narratives.  He identifies a new stage; the “Mail Pilot” that leaves Philadelphia at 10:00 AM, Monday through Saturday.  If it is assumed that stages using the new bridge over the Delaware traveled along the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike to reach the bridge, then Mr. Hallowell is confirming that these lines passed through Frankford.  What he means by the phrase that they “proceeded the entire distance without change” is not clear, and will require further research.  Finally, he points out that the U. S. Mail stage only carried six passengers.  As the name suggests, the remaining space could have been reserved for mail, packages, etc.

The early 1800’s marked the high point of stagecoach travel along present-day Frankford Avenue through Philadelphia.  The following information contains very few specific references to traveling on the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike, which was established in 1803, however, most of the authors that are quoted were writing about Frankford or the main road from Philadelphia to New York through Frankford.  Further research will take place, but for now it should be assumed that all the information relates to staging on the turnpike through Frankford.  In addition, different sources provide widely varying numbers of stage lines operating during a given year.  This disparity will need to be researched in greater detail as well.

Stages and/or stage lines continue to be named for easy identification as competition steadily increased.  “In 1810 the “Expedition” line of stages made the trip to New York in one day” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).  Although this is the second mention of one day service, not all lines tried to keep this grueling {especially for the horses} schedule.  “In 1810 Samuel Brush made the trip from Philadelphia to New York; drove to Trenton the first day and slept there; dined next day at Brunswick and slept at Elizabeth, arriving at New York before noon next day” (Benedict 119).

“Outside of the great, lumbering coach, which every family of means possessed in those days, the only means of conveyance was by stage.  The turnpike between Philadelphia and Trenton had been completed but a short time and three rival lines of stages jolted the guests over the road” (Faris 312).  The turnpike was established in 1803 and completed in 1812, so the mention of “three rival lines” could have occurred anytime between those dates, however, it is more likely closer to 1812 when the turnpike was finished.  Information from a different source seems to indicate that there were more than three different lines operating during this time, because “by 1813, there were fourteen regular lines in operation between the two cities” (“Bridging,” par. 16).  It seems difficult to imagine that between 1812 and 1813 the number of stage lines increased by eleven.  This will require further research.  The existence of at least three different stage lines can be confirmed by reviewing Paxton’s, “Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1813.”  This directory lists four different stages running between Philadelphia and New York, and it seems safe to assume that three of the four traveled on the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike.

The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1813

A quick review of the entire list of Land Stages in Mr. Paxton’s 1813 directory shows a growing number of smaller towns that were being served by stage lines originating in Philadelphia.  In New Jersey, examples include, but are not limited to, Mount Holly and Woodberry.

The Bustle Town Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from 130 North Second Street.  It ran every day, starting at 3 P. M.

The Frankford Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from the “(Buck inn) 130 n. 2d.”  It ran daily, starting at 9 A. M. and at 4 P. M.

The Holmesburg Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from 130 North Second Street.  It ran every day, starting at 3 P. M.

Listing of New York Stages

Accommodation – 30 South Third Street and City Hotel.

Commercial – This stage line started from 30 South Third Street.  It ran daily, starting at 9 A. M.

Pilot – This stage line started from 43 South Fourth Street.  It ran daily, starting at       4 A. M., and advertised a 7 P. M. arrival in New York.

Swift Sure – This stage line started from (Green tree inn) 50 north Fourth.  The fare was 5 dollars, and the trip was advertised as being “through a pleasant country.”  It ran daily (Sundays excepted), starting at 8 A. M.

U.S. Mail – This stage line started from 30 South Third Street and the City Hotel.  It ran daily, starting at noon.

The Trenton Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from 16 North Third Street.  It ran every other day, starting at 9 A. M.

(Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1813” viii-ix)

The meaning of the word Accommodation, on the first line of the list of New York stages, and the two addresses that follow on the same line are not clear.  The listing for the U. S. Mail stage provides the departure time, and the same two addresses that appear on the Accommodation line {30 South Third Street and City Hotel}.  It is possible that the City Hotel and some type of business at 30 South Third had an arrangement with the U. S. Mail stage line that would encourage patrons to use each other’s services.  At this time, the Commercial line of stages also departed from 30 South Third Street.

The Pilot line advertised a fifteen hour trip with a 7 P. M. arrival time in New York.  This is one of the few listings that were reviewed that indicated both a scheduled departure and arrival time.

Since both the Bustle Town and Holmesburg stages departed from 130 North Second Street at 3:00 P.M., it seems possible that these weren’t two separate stages, but one stage that served both communities.

The information that the Swift Sure line travels “through a pleasant country” would seem to indicate that their stages traveled on the Old York Road, or took a different route that minimized, or avoided altogether, travel on the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike.  This is one of the only listings that were reviewed that showed the cost of the trip.  Information on the departure location(s) for this stage is shown as it appears in the directory.

As previously noted, some directories contain no stage information at all.  This is true of both the 1816 and 1817 directories.

“Stage travel had troubles of its own. Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser of February 12, 1816, says:  A stage between this city and Trenton took fire and was entirely consumed.  It was occasioned by a passenger putting a hot brick on the floor of the stage to keep his feet warm, and, what is most extraordinary, it burnt with such rapidity that the passengers, six in number, with difficulty made their escape” (Powers, “Tales of Old Taverns“ 201).

The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1818

The importance of stage lines in moving passengers and mail is evident in Mr. Paxton’s 1818 directory.  The first 36 pages of this directory are devoted to advertising.  The first page of the advertising section contains the following advertisement:

It appears that Stocktown and Howell were either the owners, or agents for this stage line, and that they had offices that were located at 43 South Fourth Street, between Chestnut and Walnut Streets.

There are a number of other items of note in this advertisement that was published during the high point of eastern stage travel.  It appears that the listed departure times were in place during the winter because the notation at the top of the advertisement indicates “Winter Establishment for New York and Baltimore.”

It is interesting to compare the amount of information provided for the early stage {First Line For New York}, versus the later stage {Second Line}.  It is assumed that the early stage will leave either the Coach Office or Washington Hall Hotel at 5:00 AM, and the passengers arrive in New York that same day at 6:00 in the evening.  The term Post Chaise would seem to indicate that mail was carried on this stage, but why the term chaise was used, versus stage or coach, is not clear.  How many stops, if any, will be made along the way is not mentioned.

Even though the name, Mail Coach Pilot {Second Line}, implies that it carries mail, a line in the advertisement that reads “it not carrying the mail,” would seem to indicate otherwise.   It is possible that it does carry some mail, but only from Philadelphia to New York, and does not stop at Post Offices, or other drop-off locations along the route.  This is an overnight stage, and the line that “no detention will be met with on the road,” seems to imply that this is a fast, express-type service.  Owing to the poor road conditions, it must have been quite a ride in the dark!  The number of passengers is limited to eight, and no mention is made of outside passengers.

Passenger comfort is addressed by the entry that the coaches are built with springs, and that travelers are protected from the weather by leather boots.  It appears that seats on both the New York and Baltimore stages could be reserved in advance at either the stage office or Washington Hall Hotel.

Other lines using the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike in 1818 include the following:

The Bustle Town Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from “130 north Second, daily, 3 P. M. –  another runs from Camel Inn, 140 N. Second.”

The Frankford Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from the “(Buck inn) {address illegible}, 9 A. M and 4 P. M. daily; another twice a day from 39 N. 2d.”

The Holmesburg Stage – This was an un-named stage, that started from “130 N. Second, daily, 3 P. M. – another runs from Camel inn, 140 N. Second.”

Listing of New York Stages

Industry – This stage line started from 30 South Third Street.  It ran daily (Sundays excepted), starting at 9 A. M.

Mail Coach – This stage line started from 30 South Third Street.  It ran daily, starting at 3 P. M.

Post Coach – This stage line started from Judd’s Hotel, 27 South Third Street.  It ran daily (Sundays excepted), starting at 5 P. M.

Swiftsure – This stage line started from the Green Tree, 50 North Fourth Street.  It ran daily (Sundays excepted), starting at 8 A. M.

The Trenton Coachee – This was an un-named stage, that started from 23 South Third Street, 39 North Second Street and 197 Chestnut Street.  It was a daily stage.  The time of departure is not shown.  This could be because it was not provided to the printer,  inadverdantly overlooked when the directory was printed, or that the service was “on demand.”

The Trenton Coach – This was an un-named stage that “leaves Judd’s Hotel, 27 S. Third, daily, at 9 A. M.”

The Trenton and Holmesburgh Stage – This was an un-named stage that started from 193 Chestnut Street.  It ran every day, starting at 9 A. M.

(Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory And Register For 1818” xciii-xciv).

The listings for the local stages to Bustle Town, Frankford and Holmesburg are confusing to the modern eye that is accustomed to the greater detail that appears on today’s transportation schedules.  Although one set of departure points and times are listed for each destination, in each case additional “runs” are shown.  Although the starting location is listed, the times of departure for these additional “runs” are not.

The listing for the Trenton Coachee is curious in a couple of ways.  This is the first time, in the information that was reviewed, that this term has been used to describe a public conveyance.  A comprehensive definition, and comparison to a light wagon follows:

The coachee is a carriage peculiar to America; the body of it is somewhat longer than that of a coach, but of the same shape. In front it is left quite open, down to the bottom, and the driver sits on a bench under the roof. It has two seats for the passengers, who sit with their faces towards the horses. The roof is supported by small props, which are placed at the corners. On each side of the doors, above the pannels, it is quite open; and, to guard against bad weather, there are curtains, which are made to let down from the roof, and which fasten to buttons, placed for the purpose, on the outside. There is also a leathern curtain, to hang occasionally between the driver and passengers.

The light waggons are on the same construction, but are calculated to accommodate from four to twelve people. The only difference between a small waggon and a coachee, is, that the latter is better finished, has varnished pannels, and doors at the side. The former has no doors; but the passengers scramble in, the best way they can, over the seat of the driver. These waggons are universally used for stage-carriages (Bingley 52).

From the preceding information it seems that the Trenton Coachee may have been used by a wealthier traveler than the traditional stage wagon or stagecoach.  It is also possible that this was an “on demand service,” because no departure time is listed in this directory.

The Philadelphia Directory and Register For 1819

Some previous directories had separate listings for the various means of travel to get from one place to another.  One section was devoted to stages that traveled primarily over land, but that used ferries to cross large bodies of water {Paulus Hook, New Jersey to Manhattan}.  A different section provided information on packets, land and water stages, and later, steam boats.  Included in this section were listings of packet boats and steam boats that travelled over water from one port directly to another {Philadelphia to Baltimore}, and those lines that used a combination of boat and stage travel to reach their destinations {by packet up the Delaware River to Trenton, then by stage to Paulus Hook, New Jersey}.  Mr. Paxton’s 1819 directory places the destination cities and towns in alphabetical order, and details the various ways to get there.  For example, there are three consecutive listings for Burlington, New Jersey.  Someone going to Burlington could get there by packet boat, steam boat, or a combination of ferry and land stage.  It is most likely that the packet and steam boats went directly from a wharf in Philadelphia to the dock in Burlington, whereas travelers using the third option were probably ferried to a location across the Delaware River from Philadelphia, and completed their trip by stage.

LIST OF STAGES, PACKETS, AND STEAMBOATS

With the time and place of their departure from Philadelphia

The Bustleton and Holmesburg Stage – This was an un-named stage that started from the “Buck, 130 N. Second st. daily, at 3 P. M.”

A Frankford Stage – This was an un-named stage that started from the “Sorel Horse, N. Second st. daily at 9 A. M. and 5 P. M.”

A Frankford Stage – This was an un-named stage that started from the “Buck, 130 N. Second st. daily at 9 A. M. and 5 P. M.”

The Holmesburg Stage – This was an un-named stage that started from “130 N. Second, daily 3 P. M. – another runs from the Camel inn 140 N. Second”

A New York Stage – This was the New York Post Coach.  The listing indicates that passengers should “apply at Bailey’s No 30 S. Third street, daily (except Sunday) at 5 A. M.”

A New York Stage – This was the New York Mail Coach. The listing indicates that passengers should “apply at Bailey’s No. 30 South Third street, daily at 3 P. M.”

A New York Stage – This was Swiftsure stage line.  This stage started from the “Green Tree, No. 50 N. Fourth st. daily at 8 A. M. in summer and 7 in winter.”  It was advertised as travelling via Somerville, N. J., which would seem to indicate that it used the Old York Road, or a combination of the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike and a different route to reach New York.

The Trenton Coachee – This was an un-named stage, that started from 23 South Third Street, 39 North Second Street and 197 Chestnut Street.  It was a daily stage.  The time of departure is not shown.  This could be because it was not provided to the printer,  inadverdantly overlooked when the directory was printed, or that the service was “as requested.”

The Trenton Coach – This was an un-named stage that “leaves Judd’s Hotel, 27 S. Third, daily, at 9 A. M.”

The Trenton Stage – This was an un-named stage that started from 193 Chestnut Street.  It ran every day, starting at 9 A. M.

(Paxton, “The Philadelphia Directory and Register For 1819” lxxvii – lxxix).

There is a noteworthy difference in travel patterns between Philadelphia and New York in this directory, versus prior directories.  In the past, most of the journey took place in land stages, with only a couple of major water crossings.  In this directory there are only three trips that seem to fit that category,  however, there are eleven listings for travel options to New York that involve steam boats or departing from wharfs.  On some of these eleven routes part of the traveler’s time was still spent in a stage coach or wagon, however, there seems to have been a greater effort to increase the amount of time spent travelling by water.  An example is the following listing that appears in the 1819 directory:

New York Second Post Coach, connected with the Bristol steam boat, seats to be taken at Bailey’s, No. 30 south Third street, daily (except Sunday) at 3 P. M. (Paxton 1819 lxxviii).

Information on travel to Trenton, New Jersey still raises some questions.  A coachee is still going to Trenton, with no departure time listed.  In addition, there is a listing for a Trenton Coach, as well as a Trenton stage; both of which leave different locations in Philadelphia at the same time.  It is not clear if the words stage versus coach was just a different way to advertise the service, or if the stage made intermediate stops, and the coach ran straight through to Trenton.

The argument that not all stages were listed in the directories that appear on the Greater Philadelphia GeoHistory Network website is strengthened when the information that appears there is compared with other sources.  In his book Old Roads Out of Philadelphia, John T. Faris writes that “in 1819 there were fourteen regular lines in operation between the cities” (286).    The information that appears in the 1819 directory shows three “over the road” lines.  One possible explanation for this difference is that Mr. Faris is counting the total number of ways to get from Philadelphia to New York, while this work only lists the “over the road” lines.  Upon a closer examination of the directory, there were a total of fourteen ways to travel between these cities; eleven of which involved more river, and/or ocean travel than in the past.  However, there is still the matter of the Citizens’ Line, that appears in Mr. Faris’ book, but that does not appear anywhere in the 1819 directory.  This will require additional research.

“In 1819 there were fourteen regular lines in operation between the cities.  One of these, The Citizens’ Line, advertised in this way:  For the express accommodation of the citizens of Philadelphia and New York the subscribers offer for their patronage a Line of Coaches, which for comfort and security shall not be surpassed by any line of coaches on the continent, to leave the U.S. Mail Coach office, 30 South Third Street, daily at 5 o’clock and arrive at New York the same day in The Coach, which will cross the North River by Steam Boats.  This line will be under the same direction as the Mail Lines, and will carry six passengers only inside, and for 40 dollars the Coach can be taken by a party, who shall not be disturbed by way passengers” (Faris 286).  “Way passengers” were those travelers who were picked up and discharged along the route, rather than at the originating or terminating locations.  That the Citizens’ Line stage started at a U.S. Mail Coach Office and not at a public house shows the increasing importance that stagecoach’s played in moving mail from one place to another prior to the advent of the railroads.

Whereas stage wagons had soft overhead covers, or in some cases, no cover at all, some stagecoach’s of this time period had hard roofs where adventurous travelers could sit during their journey.  Although it was cheaper to ride “outside,” the passenger was exposed to the elements and the danger of falling off, along with other inconveniences.  The danger associated with riding on the outside of a moving coach is illustrated by the letter that appears immediately below.  Written by a Good Samaritan at Trinity College, Oxford, England to the “unfortunate passenger’s” employer in London, it describes an accident, and subsequent treatment of a passenger that fell off a moving coach.  Because of the age of the letter, and the  handwriting, some of the words are difficult to read, however, the last half of the pictured page reads as follows:

“He had taken his seat on the coach for London, when in consequence of sudden illness, he fell from the roof and cut his head . . . . . the stones of the street, that he was carried into the . . . . . and there put to bed.  He has had medical advice, and when I saw him yesterday offered to . . . . .”

In addition to the dangers posed by putting a hot brick on the floor of a wooden stagecoach or riding on the outside of the coach, other perils were present.

Only eight years before the railroad was chartered Samuel F. B. Morse, the inventor of the telegraph, wrote to Mrs. Morse after a trip over the turnpike:  In the land carriage we occupied three stages over a very rough road.  In crossing a small creek in a ferry-boat the stage ahead of ours left the boat a little too soon and came near upsetting in the water, which would have put the passengers into a dangerous situation.  As it was, the water came into the carriage and wet some of the baggage.  It was about an hour before they could get the stage out of the water.

Next came our turn.  After traveling a few miles, the springs on one side gave way and let us down, almost upsetting us.  We got out with difficulty and, in a few minutes, by putting a rail under one side, we proceeded on again, jocosely telling the passengers in the third stage that it was their turn next.

The good-natured prophecy was fulfilled, for later in the day, when the stage in which Mr. Morse was a passenger had halted, it was overtaken by the third stage, “with a rail under one side, having met with a similar accident a few miles after we left them.” (Faris 307)

Mr. Morse’s journey would have taken place during, or close to the year 1824, as the Philadelphia and Trenton Railroad was chartered in 1832.  Unfortunately, the location of the ferry-boat crossing was not identified.

A search of the directories from 1820 to 1830 that appear on the Greater Philadelphia GeoHistory Network website does not yield much new information.  Some of these directories contain no land stage, packet or steamboat information, while others have abridged listings.  The abridged listings in the 1823 and 1824 directories are very curious.  They are in alphabetical order, beginning with destinations that start with the letter A {Allentown}, and end with a single listing for service to New York.  There are no other New York listings, or for that matter, any listings beyond the letter O {Pittsburg, Trenton, etc.}.

“In 1830 three coaches often ran at one time through Frankford to New York, carrying both mail and passengers.  The arrival of the coaches from New York was then an event of daily interest” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).  It is important to note that Mr. Hallowell is referring to three stagecoach’s in Frankford at a given time, and not three stage lines in total running through Frankford.  As was indicated earlier, just prior to the advent of the railroads, there were many different lines running between Philadelphia and New York.  Many of these would have traveled over the turnpike through Frankford.

Desilver’s Philadelphia Directory And Strangers’ Guide 1831

Mr. Desilver’s 1831 directory provides a comprehensive list of travel options to locations on the eastern seaboard, however, instead of the heading of the section being Stages, Packet, and Steam Boats, or something similar, the section is titled Stage Offices, and the listings appear as follows:

STAGE OFFICES

New York United States Mail, 28 S. Third, route through Trenton, Princeton, and New Brunswick.

Frankford, Second street house, second above market.  And also from the Buck, 130 north second.

Frankford, Holmesburg, and Bustleton Second street house, 2d above Market.

(Desilver (Pages are un-numbered.  Information appears at the end of the directory))

It is evident that by the early 1830’s most travel between Philadelphia and New York was moving away from stage routes where the majority of the trip was over roads and turnpikes.  This directory lists two other departure points for New York; one from the Chestnut Street wharf, the other from the Arch Street wharf.  It is curious that only three modes of travel between Philadelphia and New York were included in this directory, and that no departure times are listed.  It seems that there would have been a much greater demand for services between these two major east coast cities.  It is probable that there were many more options, that for some reason, were not included in this directory.

Even with the decline of interstate stage service, there continued to be a demand for local service to Frankford, Holmesburg and Bustleton.  Although not clear in the previous listings, the listing for the “Buck” that appears above seems to confirm that this popular starting point was at 130 North Second Street.

Although totally un-related to stage travel, one of the more interesting and humorous entries in Mr. Desilver’s directory appears on the cover of the book itself.  The entry reads as follows:

NOTE TO BORROWERS

In consequence of the numerous applications at the store of the publisher of the Directory to BORROW the same to look for the name of a person or situation of streets or alleys, he has come to the determination of charging in future for every search the sum of SIX CENTS (Desilver Front Cover).

This research fee may have been a way to discourage “borrowers” from bothering the publisher’s employees, recoup publishing costs, or both.

Directories for the years 1833, 1835-1836, 1839 and 1840 that appear on the Greater Philadelphia GeoHistory Network website were reviewed, and no further information on stage travel is available.  Directories were either not printed for the years 1832, 1834, 1837 and 1838, or if they were, they are not on this site.  The lack of information on stage lines at this time reflects the movement away from this form of transport, and towards moving passengers, mail and goods by rail, water and omnibus.

Major changes in intercity travel between Philadelphia and New York took place in the mid-1830’s.  “All stages ceased running to New York in 1836 because of the opening of the Philadelphia and Trenton Railroad.  This railroad was incorporated February 23d, 1832” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).  Although it was no longer necessary to travel by stage between these cities, there was still a need for “local” stages that ran through Frankford over the Frankford and Bristol Turnpike.

“In 1840 three lines of stages were running between Frankford and Philadelphia, including one from Holmesburg, and one from Bustleton, owned by David Maguire.  The fare between Philadelphia and Frankford was twenty-five cents.  The coaches for Frankford left Hall’s Hotel on Second Street below Arch” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).  A different source provides some much needed detail on local routes and public houses along the way once the railroads had taken over the service from Philadelphia to New York.

In 1840, three lines of omnibuses were running between Frankford and Philadelphia, including one from Holmesburg and one from Bustleton.  The fare from Frankford was twenty-five cents, and from Holmesburg and Bustleton fifty cents.  The coaches for Frankford left Hall’s Hotel, on Second street below Arch, and traveled north on Second street to Master street, then east on Master street to Frankford road (where on the northwest corner stood the Kensington Commissioners’ Hall); thence up Frankford road to Phillip Miller’s tavern, which stood on the northeast corner of Frankford road and Hanover street.  This was the regular stopping place for collecting the fares and watering the horses.  On the opposite side of the street was an old frame house called the Black Horse Tavern.  The White Horse Tavern was a stone building.  These two buildings were very old at that time (Dixon 2-3).

Dr. Dixon describes the mode of transportation to Frankford, Holmesburg and Bustleton as an omnibus versus a stage.  The omnibus first entered service in Paris, France, and began to appear on the streets of Philadelphia in the early 1830’s; during the same time period that stages were still in use.  “One of the earliest forms of public transportation in Philadelphia (and its early suburbs prior to the 1854 consolidation of the city with the county) was the horse-drawn omnibus introduced in 1831” (Hepp, par. 1).  “The omnibus was both a concept and a technology. As a concept, it was simply a short-distance version of the stage coach that operated on fixed routes, for fixed fares, and without the need for advance reservations.  As a technology, the omnibus was a new form of horse-drawn vehicle that allowed for more rapid ingress and egress of passengers” (Hepp, par. 2).  Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary defines the word omnibus as a “public vehicle designed to carry a comparatively large number of passengers.”

“In 1845 a line of Coaches ran from Frankford to Philadelphia.  Starting from Mrs. Rice’s Hotel, Frankford Avenue and Ruan Street, every morning, arriving in Philadelphia at the Sign of the Camel, Third and Vine Streets, and returning same day” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).

“In 1845 Thomas Rorer was proprietor of a stage line which ran from the Eagle Hotel, now numbers 4242 and 4244 Frankford Avenue.  Later, Mr. Rorer purchased the property on the southeast side of Frankford Avenue, northeast of Unity Street, and transferred his headquarters there” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).

“About this time Allen Pickup conducted a stage line to Philadelphia, which ran from the Eagle Hotel.  He sold the business to Clayton Connor” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).

“After November 27^th,  1845, William H. Shallcross & Co. ran a stage from the Jolly Post Hotel, now 4612-14 Frankford Avenue, at 5 P. M. in the evening, for the city.  Returning, it left the Sign of the Camel, on Second Street between Race and Vine Streets, starting in time to reach Frankford by midnight” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).

“Besides the stages mentioned, stage lines to the city were conducted by Messrs. Gallagher, Fries, Van Brunt and John O’Brien” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73).

By the middle of the nineteenth century interest in more modern, efficient forms of travel was increasing in this growing part of the city.  “In 1855 agitation was started for the establishment of a better means of transportation to the city.  In December of that year a meeting of business men was held in Frankford to consider the organization of a horse-car line, and as a result, in May, 1857, the Legislature granted a charter to the Philadelphia and Delaware River Railroad Company for a line between Southwark and Frankford.  The first car ran January 8th 1858, and the line was opened to the public in the city January 20th 1858.  The first car ran to Frankford March 15^th 1858.  There was much opposition to the horse-car line at first by the omnibus owners.  They were finally compelled to withdraw the stages” (Hallowell, For a Greater Frankford 73-74).

With the advent of the horse-car lines, the stagecoach era along Frankford Avenue in Philadelphia drew to a close.  Compared to other forms of transportation such as rail and the automobile, the age of stagecoach travel was short.  Regardless of this, stagecoach travel along Frankford Avenue in Philadelphia played an important role in connecting Philadelphia to New York City, and providing local transport, at an important time in the nation’s history.

EPILOGUE

Although stage, and or, omnibus service ended along present-day Frankford Avenue in the late 1850’s, it was still possible to ride a stage in certain parts of the Philadelphia area up until the mid-1890’s.  In a series of articles on Market Street, that appeared in the Public Ledger newspaper in 1914 and 1915, a journalist for that paper wrote that “the William Penn {Hotel} near Thirty-eighth street is still standing, and has the distinction of being the last coaching house in the city.  Until the West Chester trolley line was established, about twenty years ago, a stage carrying the mail used to set out for Newtown Square twice a day from the William Penn” (Jackson 199).

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—.  “Tales of Old Taverns.”  Germantown:  The Site and Relic Society of Germantown, 1912, www.business-services.upenn.edu/arboretum/archives/HistoricPDF/2006-3-008cTaverns.pdf.  Accessed on 5 January 2015.

Robinson, James.  “The Philadelphia Directory, City And County Register, For 1803.”  Greater Philadelphia GeoHistory Network, www.archive.org/stream/philadelphiadire1803phil#page/n3/mode/2up/search/stage.  Accessed on 14 May 2018.

—.  “The Philadelphia Directory for 1804.” Greater Philadelphia GeoHistory www.archive.org/stream/philadelphiadire1804phil#page/n1.  Accessed on 21 August 2018.

—.  “The Philadelphia Directory For 1805.”  Greater Philadelphia GeoHistory Network, www.archive.org/stream/philadelphiadire1805phil#page/n5/mode/2up.  Accessed on 18 May 2018.

Sadler, Diane. “Historical Northeast Philadelphia. Stories and Memories~ 1994.     Frankford.”  nephillyhistory, www.nephillyhistory.com/hnep1994/frankford.htm.  Accessed on 17 March 2016.

“Seven Stars – Frankford, PA.  Item No: pdcc01205.”  Free Library of Philadelphia Digital Collections, libwww.freelibrary.org/digital/search/?q=pdcc01205.  Accessed on 24 November 2015.

Smart, James.  Adonijah Hill’s Journal: Diary of a Philadelphia Reporter in 1876.  Philadelphia, 2011.

Stafford, Cornelius William.  “The Philadelphia Directory For 1799.”  Greater Philadelphia GeoHistory Network, www.archive.org/stream/philadelphiadire1799phil#page/n19/mode/2up.  Accessed on 27 April 2018.

Stephens, Thomas.  “Stephen’s Philadelphia Directory For 1796.”  Greater Philadelphia GeoHistory Network, www.archive.org/stream/philadelphiadire1796phil#page/n3/mode/2up.  Accessed on 27 April 2018.

“SW corner of Frankford Avenue at Rhawn Street The Green Tree Hotel…”  Old Images of Philadelphia, Facebook, 18 December 2015, www.facebook.com/oldimagesofphiladelphia/?hc_ref=NEWSFEED.  Accessed on 18 December 2015.

“The Sixth Mile of the Frankford-Bristol Turnpike – Philadelphia, PA – U.S. Historic Survey Stones and Monuments on Waymarking.com.”  Waymarking.com, 25 August 2010, www.waymarking.com/waymarks/WM9J7V_The_Sixth_Mile_of_the_Frankford_Bristol_Turnpike_Philadelphia_PA.  Accessed on 16 March 2018.

“Washington Hall.  Item No: pdcc00116.”  Free Library of Philadelphia Digital Collections, libwww.freelibrary.org/digital/item/39233.  Accessed on 3 October 2018.

Watson, John F., and Willis P. Hazard.  Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania in the Olden Time; or, Memoirs, Anecdotes, and Incidents of Philadelphia and its Inhabitants From the Days of the Founders and of the Earliest Settlements of the Inland Part of Pennsylvania: Vol. III.  Edwin S. Stuart, 1884,  www.archive.org/stream/annalsofphiladel03wats/annalsofphiladel03wats_djvu.txt.  Accessed on 23 March 2016.

White, Francis, and James McPherson.  “The Philadelphia Directory.”  Greater Philadelphia GeoHistory Network, www.archive.org/stream/philadelphiadire1785phil#page/n5/mode/2up.  Accessed on 18 April 2018.

Williams, George W.  “The King of Prussia Inn.” Remembering Germantown: Sixty Years of the Germantown Crier, edited by Judith Callard and Irvin Miller.  The History Press, 2008, www.books.google.com/books?id=Mfx2CQAAQBAJ&pg=PT7&lpg=PT7&dq=remembering+germantown:+sixty+years+of+the+germantown+crier&source=bl&ots=k6SgbJonRL&sig=ACfU3U2VPx5v8Wtnr7aPKmLlZO68FujiXA&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwi74vPFv-LlAhWinOAKHV6oBjMQ6AEwCHoECBIQAQ#v=onepage&q=remembering%20germantown%3A%20sixty%20years%20of%20the%20germantown%20crier&f=false.  Accessed 11 November 2019.

** To the best of my knowledge, all images that appear above are in the Public Domain. If that is not the case, please don’t hesitate to contact me.